Vra Steve: George Wallace

Vra Steve: George Wallace



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Wie is George Wallace en waarom is hy belangrik? Steve Gillon toon die belangrikheid en betekenis van George Wallace in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis. Deur sy rassistiese sienings het George Wallace die Amerikaanse politieke stelsel herdefinieer. In 1963 het die goewerneur van Alabama, George Wallace, probeer om die integrasie van die Universiteit van Alabama te voorkom. In 1968 het Wallace as 'n onafhanklike kandidaat vir die presidensie van die Verenigde State gestaan. Wallace verteenwoordig 'n party van terugslag, veral 'n beroep op die frustrasie van wit, middelklaswerkers. Terwyl mense aangeneem het Wallace sou 'n beroep op die Suide doen, waar rassistiese opvattings meer voorkom, het hy verrassend 'n beroep op die Noord -Demokrate gedoen. Laastens het Wallace 'n nuwe taal van politiek geskep, waarmee Republikeine op 'n respekvolle manier sy boodskap kon uitspreek om suidelike, blanke kiesers te wen. Sonder George Wallace was daar moontlik nooit 'n Richard Nixon of Ronald Reagan nie.


New Yorker vergelyk Trump met die segregasie -demokraat George Wallace

Gewoonlik, as die hoofstroommedia president Donald Trump probeer besmeer deur hom met George Wallace te vergelyk, word dit net in die verbygaan gedoen, soos toe John King dit genoem het of wanneer Joy Reid dit uitgegooi het. Steve Coll skryf egter in die Inwoner van New York Vrydag 'n volledige artikel gewy aan hierdie twyfelagtige vergelyking in “Donald Trump, George Wallace, and the Influence of Losers. ”

Een ding wat hierdie vergelykings gemeen het, is dat hulle nie een keer noem dat Wallace 'n demokraat was nie.

Trump se charisma, soos dit is, sintetiseer die onbeskoftheid en die faux “uthenticity ” van onlangse werklikheidstelevisie met die rassige en nativistiese retoriek wat van ver terug in ons geskiedenis dateer. Hy put inspirasie uit uiteenlopende populistiese figure soos Joseph McCarthy, Arnold Schwarzenegger en Jesse (the Body) Ventura, die professionele worstelaar wat in 1999 tot goewerneur van Minnesota verkies is. Trump se belangrikste voorganger was egter waarskynlik George Wallace, die segregasie -goewerneur van Alabama, wat vier keer vir die Withuis gehardloop het en die eerste ernstige presidentskandidaat in die twintigste eeu geword het wat homself as 'n werkende man geïdentifiseer het, soos die historikus Michael Kazin skryf in “ The Populist Persuasion, ” an noodsaaklike geskiedenis van Amerikaanse populistiese retoriek en persoonlikhede, regs en links.

Wallace was wie hy blykbaar 'n selfgemaakte, ambisieuse bitter-endder was met 'n talent vir die veldtog en 'n vermoë tot persoonlike besinning, ten minste teen die einde. Trump, 'n Wharton -gegradueerde wat ook teen die Ivy League deelneem, het die politieke prestasies van Wallace oortref deur deursigtige siniese optredes te lewer wat met sy gawe vir verhoogkuns tog baie as outentiek te vinde is. In Wallace se tyd was dit algemeen om sy kandidatuur vir die presidensie as 'n laaste snak van die sterwende Jim Crow South af te maak. Ons kan dit nou as 'n waarskuwing sien en as 'n herinnering dat dit nie net Donald Trump was wat Trumpisme bedink het nie.

Steve Coll sal natuurlik geen vergelykings tref tussen Wallace en sy mede -demokraat, Joe Biden, ondanks die feit dat Biden op rekord was dat hy Wallace vroeg in sy politieke loopbaan geprys het toe hy nog besig was om vir u in die Amerikaanse senaat te wees kan u sien in hierdie uittreksel uit die 27 Maart 1972 Wilmington Morning News.

Hier is wat Biden gesê het oor Wallace wat u nie sal sien hoe Steve Coll artikels skryf nie:


Uittreksel uit "The Black Church: This is Our Story, This is Our Song" deur Henry Louis Gates Jr. (Penguin Press)

Politieke aktiviste - insluitend Malcolm X, natuurlik, maar veral die Black Panther Party in die tweede helfte van die 1960's - het gedebatteer of die rol van die Swart omhelsing van die Christendom onder slawerny 'n positiewe of negatiewe krag was. Daar was diegene wat aangevoer het dat die Swart Kerk 'n voorbeeld was van Karl Marx se beroemde beskuldiging van godsdiens as 'die opium van die mense', omdat dit aan die onderdrukte valse troos en hoop gegee het, die oorsake van hul onderdrukking verduister en hul drang om omver te werp verminder het. daardie onderdrukking. Maar ek glo nie dat godsdiens op hierdie eenvoudige manier in die geskiedenis van swart mense in hierdie land funksioneer nie.

Alhoewel Marx geen godsdiensliefhebber was nie, was hierdie stelling, wat die Panthers graag aangehaal het, deel van 'n meer ingewikkelde beoordeling van die aard en funksie van godsdiens. Die volledige aanhaling herhaal: “Godsdienstige lyding is tegelykertyd die uitdrukking van werklike lyding en 'n protes teen werklike lyding. Godsdiens is die versugting van die onderdrukte wese, die hart van 'n hartelose wêreld en die siel van siellose toestande. Dit is die opium van die mense. ” Marx kon hom nie die kompleksiteit van die Swart Kerk voorstel nie, selfs al sou die Swart Kerk hom kon voorstel - hy kon diegene voorstel wat nie die gereedskap gehad het om verder as die oppervlakvlak van betekenis te kyk nie. James Weldon Johnson, in sy lieflike gedig oor die anonieme skrywers van die heilige volkstradisie, "O Black and Unknown Bards", stel hierdie mislukking van interpretatiewe wederkerigheid op hierdie onvergeetlike manier:

Watter lewende kluit, watter gevangene,
Kan teen al sy duisternis na God toe optrek,
En vind in sy dooie hart om te sing
Hierdie liedere van hartseer, liefde en geloof en hoop?
Hoe het dit die subtiele ondertoon gekry,
Is die noot in musiek nie met die ore gehoor nie?

Die rol van die swart Christendom in die motivering van ons land se grootste slawe -opstand, Nat Turner se rebellie, Southampton County, Va., Is slegs die mees dramatiese voorbeeld van die teks van die King James -Bybel wat die gewelddadige revolusionêre omverwerping van die slaweregime regverdig. . Maar ons hoef net na die briljante gebruik van die kerk in al sy vorme te kyk - van WEB Du Bois se triptiek van “die Prediker, die musiek en die waansin” tot die gebruik van die gebou self - om die revolusionêre potensiaal en praktyk te sien van die swart Christendom om sosiale verandering te bewerkstellig. Wat my die meeste interesseer oor die volledige aanhaling van Marx, is sy besef dat dit tegelyk 'die uitdrukking van werklike lyding en 'n protes teen werklike lyding' is, 'n deurslaggewende deel van die aanhaling wat blykbaar weggeval het.

'N Bybel van Nat Turner van die Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture. 'Nat Turner and His Confederates in Conference', 'n gravure deur John Rogers gebaseer op 'n illustrasie deur Felix Darley.

Bron: Gift of Maurice A. Person en Noah en Brooke Porter "History of American Conspiracies", 1863

Mense bid en aanbid natuurlik om allerhande redes. Ten spyte van wat Marx en die Black Panthers gedink het, kan die belangrikheid van die rol van die Black Church op sy beste nie in die geskiedenis van die Afro -Amerikaanse volk in ag geneem word nie. Dit kan ook nie onderskat word nie. Dit is nie godsdiens wat mense verslaaf hou nie, dit is geweld. Die meeste normale mense het nie 'n uitgebreide godsdienstige geloofstelsel nodig om die versoeking te weerstaan ​​om hul lewens op te offer in die lig van oorweldigende kans en die sekerheid dat hulle wreed onderdruk en vermoor sal word nie. Dit sou onredelik wees.

Die 'mislukking' van Afro -Amerikaners om hul meesters omver te werp, soos die slawe van mans en vroue op die eiland wat die Republiek Haïti geword het, kan nie herlei word na die rol van die kerk op sigself nie, soos Nat Turner se besluit om op te tree oor sy interpretasie van profesie getuig. Vroeg het die kerk en die Christendom 'n rol gespeel, beide in swart rebelle en in die voorbereiding van swart mense op leiersrolle. Na die beweerde opstand van die slawe in Denemarke, is Emanuel Church in Charleston, SC, aan die einde van die burgeroorlog tot op die grond afgebrand, en eerwaarde Richard Harvey Cain het sy gemeente in New York verlaat om suid te gaan, om moeder Emanuel op te wek en daarna tydens heropbou tot die Amerikaanse Huis van Verteenwoordigers verkies is. (Ander kerke sou die onderwerp wees van dodelike aanvalle en ontploffings wat uitgevoer is deur die blanke oppergesagters, veral die bombardement van die Sestiende Straat Baptiste Kerk in Birmingham, Ala., Waarin vier dogtertjies vermoor is, 'n ander was verblind, en meer as 'n dosyn mense is beseer.)

Martin Luther King Jr., wat op 30 Junie 1964 op 'n intergelooflike burgerregtebyeenkoms in San Francisco 's Cow Palace gepraat het.

Foto deur George Conklin/Creative Commons

Turner het sy Bybel geken. Ook Frederick Douglass was deeglik gegrond in die kerk, nadat hy die metodistekerk in Sharpstraat in Baltimore bygewoon het terwyl hy as slaaf was en daarna sy eerste openbare toesprake - preke - by die AME Zion Church ("Little Zion") in Second Street in die walvisstad New Bedford, Mass. Daar word al lank aangeneem dat Douglass wonderbaarlik sy stem gevind het tydens 'n afskaffingsvergadering op Nantucket Island in 1841, drie jaar nadat hy uit die slawerny in Maryland ontsnap het, spontaan opgestaan ​​het voor 'n vol wit vreemdelinge. Nie so nie, en hy was selfs op 'n manier by Little Zion 'georden' toe hy ongeveer 21 of 22 jaar oud was. Soos sy vader, eerwaarde Adam Clayton Powell Jr., wat in die Abessiniese Baptistekerk in Harlem as predikant past, anders as sy vader, het hy 'n politieke amp aangestel en in die Amerikaanse Huis van Verteenwoordigers gedien. Powell het die burgerregtebeweging in die noorde effektief gelei totdat Montgomery, Ala., As die episentrum van die beweging na vore gekom het en eerwaarde dr. Martin Luther King jr. Die mees herkenbare gesig en stem daarvan geword het. Ek kan nog baie ander voorbeelde gee. Die Swart Kerk het 'n lang en edele geskiedenis met betrekking tot swart politieke optrede, wat ten minste tot die laat 18de eeu dateer. Die mislukking van verslaafde Afro -Amerikaners om die instelling van slawerny omver te werp, soos hul Haïtiaanse susters en broers sou doen, kan nie meer herlei word na die vermeende passiwiteit wat deur die Christendom ingeteel is nie, maar kan eenvoudig teruggevoer word na die eenvoudige feit dat, anders as die Swart mense slawe van Saint-Domingue, Afro-Amerikaners was aansienlik in die minderheid en in die buiteland. Gewelddadige opstand sou 'n vorm van rassemoord gewees het.

Wat die kerk intussen wel gedoen het, terwyl swart mense gesamentlik op vryheid ingewag het, was om 'n liminale ruimte vol subversiewe kenmerke te bied. Om een ​​van die standaardfrases uit die Christelike tradisie te omskryf, moet u nooit die krag van gebed onderskat nie. Vra maar vir Bull Connor of George Wallace. Sonder die rol van die Swart Kerk, die Wet op Burgerregte van 1964 en die Wet op Stemreg van 1965 - onderteken deur president Lyndon Johnson, met King aan sy sy by beide, en toekomstige kongreslid John Lewis, self 'n geordende Baptiste -predikant , wat in 1965 teenwoordig was - sou nooit op daardie tydstip uitgevaardig gewees het nie. Daar is geen twyfel dat die Swart Kerk 'n ouer is van die burgerregtebeweging nie, en die Black Lives Matter -beweging van vandag is een van sy erfgename.

Amerikaanse rep. John Lewis by die aanvang van Harvard in 2018, waar hy hoofspreker was.

Rose Lincoln/Harvard lêer foto

Dit is 'n waarheid wat hierdie somer geopenbaar is in die rou van rep. Lewis. In 'n seisoen van pyn gekenmerk deur die voortdurende koronaviruspandemie en die moord op George Floyd, het Lewis se begrafnis 'n diens in die Brown Chapel AME Church in Selma en sy laaste kruising van die Edmund Pettus -brug ingesluit. Vir Lewis was stemming sakramenteel, en hy het sy bloed gestort sodat ons hierdie mees fundamentele regte kon uitoefen. By die herbesoek van hierdie terreine en besinning oor sy vele optogte vir geregtigheid, getuig "ons, die mense" nogmaals van die dieper historiese realiteit dat geloof lankal die bron was van die moed van diegene wat aan die voorste linies van verandering werk. Soos Lewis dit een keer gestel het, “Die burgerregtebeweging was gebaseer op geloof. Baie van ons wat deelgeneem het aan hierdie beweging, het ons betrokkenheid as 'n verlengstuk van ons geloof beskou. "

Een van die grootste prestasies in die lang geskiedenis van die beskawing, wat my betref, is die buitengewone veerkragtigheid van die Afro -Amerikaanse gemeenskap onder slawerny, deur die pure wil en vasberadenheid van hierdie mans en vroue om te lewe om 'n ander dag te sien, om floreer. Die aantal Afrikane wat tussen 1526 en 1808 na Noord-Amerika gesleep is, toe die slawehandel geëindig het, beloop ongeveer 388,000 wat direk van kontinent na kontinent gestuur is, plus nog 52,430 deur die binnelandse handel. Die aanvanklike bevolking het teen 1860 gegroei tot ongeveer 4,4 miljoen vrye en slawe. Hoe was dit moontlik? Wat ons voorouers onder die nagmerrie van slawerny onderhou het om gesinne te bou en te oorleef dat hulle uitmekaar geskeur en verkoop is in die binnelandse handel om voort te gaan, ondanks die feit dat hulle nie die gewelddadige seksuele vooruitgang van hul meesters kon afweer nie ('n waarheid wat deur DNA blootgestel is, wat toon dat die gemiddelde Afro -Amerikaner meer as 24 persent Europeër is) om vaardighede aan te leer om 'n verskeidenheid komplekse kulturele vorme te skep om marteling, vernedering en die versmorende ontkenning van hul reg om te leer lees en skryf en die bevrediging van vryheid uit te stel. uit slawerny - alles sonder om ooit die hoop op vryheid prys te gee, soos 'n verslaafde digter, George Moses Horton, dit gestel het, indien nie vir hulself nie, dan vir hul kinders of kleinkinders, toe slawerny geen einde gehad het nie? Wat het hulle bemagtig met “hoop teen hoop”? Die skrywer Darryl Pinckney sê in 'n onlangse opstel dat "as 'n persoon hom nie 'n toekoms kan voorstel nie, dan sou ons sê dat die persoon depressief is." Om Pinckney se volgende reël te omskryf: as 'n volk hom nie 'n toekoms kan voorstel nie, sal die kultuur daarvan sterf.

En die swart kultuur het nie gesterf nie. Die seinaspekte van die Afro -Amerikaanse kultuur is in die Swart Kerk geplant, natgemaak, lig gegee en gekoester, buite bereik en weg van die wakende oë van diegene wat die lewe daaruit sou verstik. Ons moet die kerk sy skuld gee as 'n bron van die onpeilbare veerkragtigheid van ons voorouers en miskien die eerste geformaliseerde plek vir die gesamentlike vorming en ontwikkeling van soveel Afro -Amerikaanse estetiese vorms. Alhoewel swart mense ruimte vir sekulêre uitdrukking gemaak het, het slegs die kerk ruimte gebied om alles terselfdertyd te beoefen. En slegs in die kerk kon alle kunste na vore kom, te sien wees, beoefen en vervolmaak en op een slag en op een plek uitgedruk word, insluitend musiek, dans, en retoriek en oratoriese poësie en prosateksuele eksegese en memorisering van interpretasie, lees , en die skryf van die dramatiese kunste en die oproep-en-reaksie van die draaiboekskryf, beduidende en indirekte filosofering en teoretisering en natuurlik die bemeestering van al die "blomme van spraak". Ons doen die kerk 'n groot nadeel as ons nie besef dat dit die eerste geformaliseerde plek in die Afro -Amerikaanse kultuur was nie, miskien nie uitsluitlik vir die mode van die Swart estetiese, maar beslis vir sy optrede, diens tot diens, week vir week, Sondag tot Sondag.

Verwante


Steve Flowers: George Wallace -verhale

Baie van julle het die George Wallace storie wat ek 'n paar weke gelede met jou gedeel het. Laat my toe om nog twee snaakse verhale uit die Wallace-era te onthou en te deel.

Ek het met goewerneur Wallace kennis gemaak toe ek 'n jong blad in die wetgewer was.

Ek is verkies tot die wetgewer in 1982. Ironies genoeg bestaan ​​my distrik uit my tuisland Pike en ook die deel van Barbour County wat Wallace se tuiste was, waaronder Clayton en Clio.

Gov. Wallace het gedink dat dit die merkwaardigste verhaal was dat hy my die eerste keer as 'n 12-jarige bladsy ontmoet het, en nou 20 jaar later was ek sy verteenwoordiger.

Hy het my gereeld gevra om na sy kantoor te kom, en hy het herinner aan my en stories vertel. Hy het altyd begin met die herinnering aan die feit dat ek 'n 'Page boy' was toe ons die eerste keer ontmoet het. Hy het voortydig verouder en is in 'n rolstoel vasgekeer omdat hy geskiet is vir president. Daarom sou hy tydens ons besoeke dieselfde verhale oor en oor vir my vertel.

Eendag was ek op besoek, en hy het dieselfde stories vir my vertel. Hy stop toe en kry 'n ver nostalgiese blik op sy gesig en kyk stip na my en vra: "Steve, hoe oud is jy nou?" Ek het gesê: “Goewerneur, ek is 32 jaar oud. Ek is volwasse en u verteenwoordiger, 'antwoord hy,' Huh. Ek dink ek was u lewe lank goewerneur. ” Hy was inderdaad die meeste van die twintig jaar tussen my 12de en 32ste verjaardag goewerneur. My antwoord was: “Ja, meneer. Ek vermoed dat u my lewe lank goewerneur sal wees. ”

Ek sal nog 'n storie wat ek goed onthou met u deel.

Sedert ek goew. Wallace se verteenwoordiger was, het hy my 'n vloerleier gemaak. Soos ek vroeër genoem het, het hy my geken sedert ek 12 was en 'n bladsy in die Wetgewer tydens sy eerste termyn as goewerneur. My verhouding het my toegang tot hom gegee, so ek val op 'n herfsdag af na die kantoor van die goewerneur. Ek het by die kantoor ingestap en die sekretaris het my redelik vinnig na sy kantoor teruggebring. Hulle het gesê dat hy baie graag saam met my wil kuier, omdat hy nie 'n goeie dag met sy gesondheid gehad het nie en graag met my wil herinner aan sy jonger dae en die eerste kwartaal. Dit sal hom opbeur.

Dit lyk asof hy in 'n goeie gees was toe ek ingaan, en hy het sy sigaar in die mondhoek. Wallace se gesondheid het erg agteruitgegaan van die gevolge van die koeëlwonde wat hy opgedoen het, en sy gehoor was regtig sleg omdat hy tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog aangewys is om rondom vliegtuie te werk. My missie daardie dag was om $ 10 000 uit sy diskresionêre fonds vir die Pike Pioneer Museum in my distrik te haal. Hy beheer al die ekstra varkgeld wat ons bewillig het, so ons moes die goewerneur besoek vir ons geld vir troeteldiere. Ek het geweet ons het geld in die toerismebegroting geplaas vir projekte soos my museum. Nadat ek na sy verhaal oor politiek en vroeër dae geluister het, het ek begin werk.

Hy het ingelui deur te vra: 'Steve, wat wou u vandag hê?' Ek moes skree, sodat Wallace kon hoor, en ek verkoop die feit dat my Pioneer Museum op 'n snelweg met vier bane geleë is, 'n gang en 'n reisroete vir noordelike mense wat na die strande reis vir hul wintervlug, en dat hulle sal by ons museum stop en toeristegeld in Alabama bestee. Daarom was $ 10,000 toerismefondse vir my museum 'n wyse bestuur van die belastingbetalersgeld in Alabama.

Wallace het nog steeds gelyk asof hy my nie goed hoor nie, so ek het amper geskree dat ons die sneeuboëls vang terwyl hulle noord of suid reis. Ek het pas die term snowbird gehoor en gebruik dit hard en trots. Wel, Wallace het nie die term gehoor nie, maar hy het my gehoor en gesê: "Steve, watter soort voëls vang julle almal in Pike County?" Ek het geweet dat hy verward was, en ek het my sneeuvoëlterminologie laat vaar en gesê: "Goewerneur, ons het baie Yankees wat deur Pike County kom en ons wil hulle by ons museum stop en hulle toeriste -dollars laat uitgee." Hy lyk nog meer verbaas en kyk my ontsteld aan en sê: "Steve, wat doen jy in die wêreld vir die Yankees daar onder in Pike County?"

Die arme ou het gedink ek vra geld om 'n soort spoedval te stel vir niksvermoedende Yankees wat deur Alabama reis. Hy het my uiteindelik die geld vir die museum gegee, maar ek dink nog steeds dat hy 'n bietjie bekommerd was oor hoe dit bestee gaan word.


4. Op George Wallace se verjaarsdag

Die wêreld se bevolking was 2 630 584 384 en daar is na raming 97 484 605 babas regoor die wêreld in 1952 gebore, Harry S. Truman (Demokraat) was die president van die Verenigde State, en die nommer een lied op Billboard 100 was [Nie beskikbaar nie]. Geen liedjie -ooreenkomste gevind nie ..

Op hierdie dag in die geskiedenis:

365 & ndash Kreta Aardbewing gevolg deur tsoenami rondom die oostelike Middellandse See vernietig na bewering Alexandrië.

1861 & ndash Eerste Slag van Bull Run [Slag van Eerste Manassas], 1ste groot slag van die Amerikaanse Burgeroorlog word gevoer naby Manassas, Virginia, Konfederale oorwinning.

1904 & ndash Na 13 jaar is die Trans-Siberiese spoorweg van 4 607 myl voltooi.


26 Mei 2021 - George Wallace Stories

Baie van julle het die George Wallace -verhaal geniet wat ek 'n paar weke gelede met julle gedeel het. Laat my toe om nog twee snaakse verhale uit die Wallace -era te onthou en te deel.

Ek het met goewerneur Wallace kennis gemaak toe ek 'n jong blad in die wetgewer was.

Ek is verkies tot die wetgewer in 1982. Ironies genoeg bestaan ​​my distrik uit my tuisland Pike en ook die deel van Barbour County wat Wallace se tuiste was, waaronder Clayton en Clio.

Gov. Wallace het gedink dat dit die merkwaardigste verhaal was dat hy my die eerste keer as 'n 12-jarige bladsy ontmoet het, en nou 20 jaar later was ek sy verteenwoordiger.

Hy het my gereeld gevra om na sy kantoor te kom, en hy het herinner aan my en vir my stories vertel. Hy sou altyd begin met die herinnering aan die feit dat ek 'n 'Page boy' was toe ons die eerste keer ontmoet het. Hy het voortydig verouder en is in 'n rolstoel vasgekeer omdat hy geskiet is vir president. Daarom sou hy tydens ons besoeke dieselfde stories oor en oor vir my vertel.

Eendag was ek op besoek, en hy het dieselfde stories vir my vertel. Hy stop toe en kry 'n ver nostalgiese blik op sy gesig en kyk stip na my en vra: "Steve, hoe oud is jy nou?" Ek het gesê: “Goewerneur, ek is 32 jaar oud. Ek is volwasse en jou verteenwoordiger, 'antwoord hy,' Huh. Ek dink ek was u lewe lank goewerneur. ” Hy was inderdaad die meeste van die twintig jaar tussen my 12de en 32ste verjaardag goewerneur. My antwoord was: “Ja meneer. Ek vermoed dat u my lewe lank goewerneur sal wees. ”

Ek sal nog 'n storie wat ek goed onthou met u deel.

Sedert ek verteenwoordiger van goewerneur Wallace was, het hy van my 'n vloerleier gemaak. Soos ek vroeër genoem het, het hy my geken sedert ek 12 was en 'n bladsy in die Wetgewer tydens sy eerste termyn as goewerneur. My verhouding het my toegang tot hom gegee, so op 'n herfsdag het ek na die kantoor van die goewerneur gegaan. Ek het by die kantoor ingestap en die sekretaris het my redelik vinnig na sy kantoor teruggebring. Hulle het gesê dat hy baie graag saam met my wil kuier, omdat hy nie 'n goeie dag met sy gesondheid gehad het nie en graag met my wil herinner aan sy jonger dae en die eerste kwartaal. Dit sal hom opbeur.

Dit lyk asof hy in 'n goeie gees was toe ek ingaan, en hy het sy sigaar in die hoek van sy mond. Wallace se gesondheid het erg agteruitgegaan van die gevolge van die koeëlwonde wat hy opgedoen het, en sy gehoor was regtig sleg omdat hy tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog aangewys is om rondom vliegtuie te werk. My missie daardie dag was om $ 10 000 uit sy diskresionêre fonds vir die Pike Pioneer Museum in my distrik te haal. Hy beheer al die ekstra varkgeld wat ons bewillig het, so ons moes die goewerneur besoek vir ons geld vir troeteldierprojekte. Ek het geweet ons het geld in die toerismebegroting geplaas vir projekte soos my museum. Nadat ek na sy verhaal oor politiek en vroeër dae geluister het, het ek begin werk.

Hy het ingelui deur te vra: 'Steve, wat wou u vandag hê?' Ek moes skreeu sodat Wallace kon hoor, en ek verkoop die feit dat my Pioneer Museum op 'n snelweg met vier bane geleë is, wat 'n gang en 'n reisroete is vir die noordelike mense wat na die strande reis om te ontsnap in die winter, en dat hulle sou stop by ons museum en spandeer toeristegeld in Alabama. Daarom was $ 10,000 toerismefondse vir my museum 'n wyse bestuur van die belastingbetalersgeld in Alabama.

Wallace het nog steeds gelyk asof hy my nie goed hoor nie, so ek het amper geskree dat ons die sneeuboëls vang terwyl hulle noord of suid reis. Ek het pas die term snowbird gehoor en gebruik dit hard en trots. Wel, Wallace het nie die term gehoor nie, maar hy het my gehoor en gesê: "Steve, watter soort voëls vang julle almal in Pike County?" Ek het geweet hy is verward, en ek het my sneeuvoëlterminologie laat vaar en gesê: "Goewerneur, ons het baie Yankees wat deur Pike County kom, en ons wil hulle by ons museum stop en hulle toeriste -dollars laat uitgee." Hy lyk nog meer verbaas en kyk my ontsteld aan en sê: "Steve, wat doen jy in die wêreld vir die Yankees daar onder in Pike County?"

Die arme ou het gedink ek vra geld om 'n soort spoedval te stel vir niksvermoedende Yankees wat deur Alabama reis. Hy het my uiteindelik die geld vir die museum gegee, maar ek dink nog steeds dat hy 'n bietjie bekommerd was oor hoe dit bestee gaan word.


Van George Wallace tot Steve King

George Wallace is net meer as 56 jaar gelede, op 14 Januarie 1963, vir die eerste keer ingehuldig as goewerneur van Alabama.

Ons walglike media beskou 'n Suid -Afrikaanse man soos goewerneur Wallace as die skurk ”, terwyl 'n ontaarding soos Martin Luther King die lewende verpersoonliking is van alles wat kosbaar en heilig is. Niks kan meer absurd wees nie.

Ongelukkig gee selfs die dood nie vir Gov Wallace 'n verligting van hul haat nie. Hier is uittreksels uit 'n relatief onlangse trefferstuk.

Die historikus Dan Carter, wat geskryf het Die politiek van woede, 'n biografie van George Wallace, onthou hoe die strate van Montgomery volgepak was op die dag van Wallace se inhuldiging. Sy volgelinge van regoor die staat het op die platform saamgedrom, sê Carter, en baie van hulle dra hierdie wit blomme, wat bedoel was om hul verbintenis tot wit oppergesag te simboliseer. ”

Al die groot nuusnetwerke het daardie dag Wallace se eerste toespraak op nasionale televisie behandel. En Wallace, sê Carter, het besluit om dit te melk vir alles wat hy kan. ”

Wyle Wayne Greenhaw, destyds 'n koerantverslaggewer in Montgomery, het 'n soortgelyke opmerking gemaak. Hy het 'n vertoning gelewer. Hy marsjeer heen en weer, skud sy vuis, en Greenhaw onthou kort voor sy dood in 2011. Hy belowe dat hy alleen sal staan ​​vir die suidelike saak en die saak van die wit mense. ”

Wallace se toespraak - en die lewering daarvan - was 'n beduidende en haatdraende#8230 Dit was amper soos 'n ratel wat dit suis, amper, ” het Greenhaw gesê.

Laat ons hierdie boodskap terugstuur na Washington via die verteenwoordigers wat vandag hier by ons is, het Wallace aan die skare gesê. Van hierdie dag af staan ​​ons op, en die hak van tirannie pas nie by die nek van 'n regop man nie. Laat ons opstaan ​​na die oproep van vryheid-liefdevolle bloed wat in ons is, en ons antwoord stuur aan die tirannie wat sy kettings in die suide toedruk, ” verklaar Wallace van die podium. In die naam van die grootste mense wat ooit op hierdie aarde getrek het, trek ek 'n streep in die stof en gooi die handskoen voor die voete van tirannie, en ek sê: segregasie nou, segregasie môre en segregasie vir ewig. ”

Segregasie nou, segregasie vir ewig en 8221 het vinnig 'n simbool van Wallace geword, onthou Greenhaw. “Voordat Wallace die toespraak gehou het, was die redaksionele bladredakteur van die Montgomery Advertiser het probeer om Wallace die deel ” van die toespraak uit te haal. En#8220 En Wallace het gesê: "Sonder dit sal dit nie opstaan ​​nie." ”

Stem saam met hom of nie, dit was weinig meer as 50 jaar gelede wat ons sitende goewerneurs gehad het wat dit gewaag het om so vrymoedig te praat tydens hul inhuldiging.

Vandag het ons verteenwoordiger Steve King – van wie ek hou en stem om homself te veroordeel omdat hy die valse gode van politieke korrektheid kwaad gemaak het.

Die Huis van Verteenwoordigers het Dinsdag oorweldigend gestem om wit oppergesag en blanke nasionalisme formeel te veroordeel, met verwysing na die rassistiese uitlatings deur rep. Steve King (R-Iowa).

Huisresolusie 41, ingevoer deur die meerderheidsweep James Clyburn (D-S.C.) Om 'wit nasionalisme en blanke oppergesag te verwerp', kom toe King in 'n onlangse onderhoud met The New York Times 'n tweeledige reaksie in die gesig staar. Daarin het King gevra hoe die terme "wit oppergesag" en "blanke nasionalis" "aanstootlik" geword het.

Die GOP is aanvanklik gekritiseer omdat hy sy eie veroordeling van King vertraag het, wat HuffPost al jare lank as 'n openlike wit oppergesag vir soortgelyke rassistiese opmerkings beskryf het. Maar Republikeine het hom vandeesweek probeer straf deur hom van die komitee -opdragte in die huidige kongres te ontneem.

Die resolusie van Dinsdag, wat met 'n stemming van 424-1 aanvaar is, word beskou as 'n voorloper van die aflegging van King. Die huis het twee maatreëls wat hangende sensuur hangende is, die grootste vorm van afkeuring wat die kamer kan hef voor volledige uitsetting. Censure is 'n formele stem van afkeuring van 'n lid met 'n meerderheid van die huis, volgens Roll Call.

Die enigste wetgewer wat teen die wit oppergesag was, was rep. Bobby Rush (D-Ill.), Wat 'n baie meer direkte bestraffing van King wou hê.

King het van sy kant gesê dat hy ja sou stem oor resolusie 41, in 'n skynbare poging om sy naam daarvan te skei.

'Ek wil my kollegas aan beide kante van die gang vra, laat ons vir hierdie resolusie stem,' het hy gesê. 'Ek stem hier ja op die bord, want wat u hier sê, is reg en waar en is regverdig, en dit is ook wat ek hier op die vloer van die huis gesê het.'

Wit mans is beslis nie wat hulle was nie en die skerp afname het binne 'n enkele leeftyd plaasgevind.


George Wallace lewer sy ikoniese inhuldigingstoespraak op die goue ster wat die plek merk waar Jefferson Davis, net 100 jaar tevore, as president van die Konfederale State van Amerika ingesweer is. En die skare juig.


Wallace, wie se familie se van oorspronklik was Wallik, [4] is op 9 Mei 1918 in Brookline, Massachusetts, [4] gebore aan Russiese Joodse immigrantouers. [4] [5] Hy het hom as 'n Jood geïdentifiseer en beweer dat dit sy etnisiteit (in plaas van godsdiens) was gedurende sy hele lewe. Sy pa was 'n kruideniers- en versekeringsmakelaar. [6] Wallace het die Brookline High School bygewoon en studeer in 1935. [7] Hy studeer aan die Universiteit van Michigan vier jaar later met 'n Bachelor of Arts. Terwyl hy 'n universiteit was, was hy 'n verslaggewer van die Michigan Daily en behoort tot die Alpha Gamma -hoofstuk van die Zeta Beta Tau -broederskap. [8]

1930s - 1940s: Radio Edit

Wallace verskyn as gas op die gewilde radiovasvraprogram Inligting asseblief op 7 Februarie 1939, toe hy in sy laaste jaar aan die Universiteit van Michigan was. Hy het sy eerste somer na die gradeplegtigheid aan die internet gewerk in die Interlochen Centre for the Arts. [9] Sy eerste radiowerk was as nuuskoerant en kontinuïteitsskrywer vir WOOD -radio in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Dit duur tot 1940, toe hy as omroeper na die WXYZ -radio in Detroit, Michigan, verhuis het. Daarna word hy 'n vryskutradiowerker in Chicago.

Wallace het in 1943 by die Amerikaanse vloot aangesluit en tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog as kommunikasiebeampte by die USS gedien Anthedon, 'n duikboot tender. Hy het geen geveg gesien nie, maar het na Hawaii, Australië en Subicbaai in die Filippyne gereis en daarna die Suid -Chinese See, die Filippynse See en suid van Japan gepatrolleer. Nadat hy in 1946 ontslaan is, keer Wallace terug na Chicago.

Wallace aangekondig vir die radioprogramme Gordyn Tyd, Ned Jordan: geheime agent, Sky King, Die Groen Hornet, [10] Gordyn Tyd, [10] en Die Spike Jones Show. [10] Dit word soms gerapporteer [ deur wie? ] Wallace aangekondig vir Die eensame ruiter, maar Wallace het gesê dat hy dit nog nooit gedoen het nie. [11] From 1946 through 1948, he portrayed the title character on The Crime Files of Flamond on WGN and in syndication.

Wallace announced wrestling in Chicago in the late 1940s and early 1950s, sponsored by Tavern Pale beer.

In the late 1940s, Wallace was a staff announcer for the CBS radio network. He had displayed his comic skills when he appeared opposite Spike Jones in dialogue routines. He was also the voice of Elgin-American in the company's commercials on Groucho Marx's You Bet Your Life. As Myron Wallace, he portrayed New York City detective Lou Kagel on the short-lived radio drama series Crime on the Waterfront.

1940s–1960s: Television Edit

In 1949, Wallace began to move to the new medium of television. In that year, he starred under the name Myron Wallace in a short-lived police drama, Stand By for Crime. [12]

Wallace hosted a number of game shows in the 1950s, including The Big Surprise, Who's the Boss? en Who Pays?. Early in his career, Wallace was not known primarily as a news broadcaster. It was not uncommon during that period for newscasters to announce, to deliver commercials and to host game shows Douglas Edwards, John Daly, John Cameron Swayze and Walter Cronkite hosted game shows as well. Wallace also hosted the pilot episode of Nothing but the Truth, which was helmed by Bud Collyer when it aired under the title To Tell the Truth. Wallace occasionally served as a panelist on To Tell the Truth in the 1950s. He also made commercials for a variety of products, including Procter & Gamble's Fluffo brand shortening.

Wallace also hosted two late-night interview programs, Night Beat (broadcast in New York City during 1955–1957, only on DuMont's WABD) and The Mike Wallace Interview on ABC in 1957–1958. Sien ook Profiele in moed, section: Authorship controversy.

In 1959, Louis Lomax told Wallace about the Nation of Islam. Lomax and Wallace produced a five-part documentary about the organization, The Hate That Hate Produced, which aired during the week of July 13, 1959. The program marked the first time that most white people heard about the Nation, its leader, Elijah Muhammad, and its charismatic spokesman, Malcolm X. [13]

By the early 1960s, Wallace's primary income came from commercials for Parliament cigarettes, touting their "man's mildness" (he had a contract with Philip Morris to pitch their cigarettes as a result of the company's original sponsorship of The Mike Wallace Interview). Between June 1961 and June 1962, he and Joyce Davidson hosted a New York-based nightly interview program for Westinghouse Broadcasting [14] called PM East for one hour it was paired with the half-hour PM West, which was hosted by San Francisco Chronicle television critic Terrence O'Flaherty. Westinghouse syndicated the series to television stations that it owned and to a few other cities. People in southern and southwestern states and in the metropolitan areas of Chicago and Philadelphia were unable to watch it.

A frequent guest on the PM East segment was Barbra Streisand, though only the audio of some of her conversations with Wallace survives, [14] as Westinghouse wiped the videotapes. Also in the early 1960s, Wallace was the host of the David Wolper–produced Biografie reeks.

After his elder son's death in 1962, Wallace decided to get back into news and hosted an early version of CBS Morning News from 1963 through 1966. In 1964 he interviewed Malcolm X, who, half-jokingly, commented "I probably am a dead man already." [15] The black leader was assassinated a few months later in February 1965.

In 1967, Wallace anchored the documentary CBS Reports: The Homosexuals. "The average homosexual, if there be such, is promiscuous", Wallace said in the piece. "He is not interested or capable of a lasting relationship like that of a heterosexual marriage. His sex life, his love life, consists of a series of one-chance encounters at the clubs and bars he inhabits. And even on the streets of the city – the pick-up, the one night stand, these are characteristics of the homosexual relationship." [16] In later years, Wallace came to regret his participation in the episode. "I should have known better," he said in 1992. [17] Speaking in 1996, Wallace stated, "That is – God help us – what our understanding was of the homosexual lifestyle a mere twenty-five years ago because nobody was out of the closet and because that's what we heard from doctors – that's what [psychiatrist Charles] Socarides told us, it was a matter of shame." [17]

1960s–2000s: 60 Minutes Redigeer

Wallace's career as the lead reporter on 60 Minutes led to some run-ins with the people interviewed and claims of misconduct by female colleagues. While interviewing Louis Farrakhan, Wallace alleged that Nigeria was the most corrupt country in the world. Farrakhan immediately shot back that Americans were in no moral position to judge, declaring "Has Nigeria dropped an atomic bomb that killed people in Hiroshima and Nagasaki? Have they killed off millions of Native Americans?" "Can you think of a more corrupt country?" asked Wallace. "I'm living in one," said Farrakhan. [18]

Wallace interviewed General William Westmoreland for the CBS special The Uncounted Enemy: A Vietnam Deception that aired on January 23, 1982. [19] Westmoreland then sued Wallace and CBS for libel. The trial ended in February 1985 when the case was settled out of court just before it would have gone to the jury. Each side agreed to pay its own costs and attorney fees, and CBS issued a clarification of its intent with respect to the original story.

In 1981, Wallace was forced to apologize for a racial slur he had made about Blacks and Hispanics. During a break while preparing a 60 Minutes report on a bank that had been accused of duping low-income Californians, Wallace was caught on tape joking that "You bet your ass [the contracts are] hard to read if you're reading them over the watermelon or the tacos!" [20] [21] [22]

Attention was again drawn to that incident several years later when protests were raised after Wallace was selected to deliver a university commencement address during a ceremony within which Nelson Mandela was awarded an honorary doctorate in absentia for his fight against racism. Wallace initially called the protesters' complaint "absolute foolishness". [23] However, he subsequently apologized for his earlier remark and added that when he had been a student decades earlier on the same university campus, "though it had never really caused me any serious difficulty here . I was keenly aware of being Jewish, and quick to detect slights, real or imagined. We Jews felt a kind of kinship [with blacks]", but "Lord knows, we weren't riding the same slave ship." [24]

Wallace's reputation has been retrospectively affected by his admission that he had harassed female colleagues at 60 Minutes over many years. "Back in the 1970s and ’80s, 60 Minutes correspondent Mike Wallace was known for putting his hand on the backs of his female CBS News co-workers and unsnapping the clasps on their bras. 'It wasn't a secret. I have done that', Wallace told Rollende klip magazine in 1991." [25] In 2018, claims of sexual misconduct at 60 Minutes led to the resignation of executive producer Jeff Fager, who had overseen the news show for 36 years. He resigned several months after a July 27 story by Ronan Farrow in Die New Yorker. [26] Not only did Farrow's story accuse Fager of ignoring and enabling misconduct by several high-ranking male producers at 60 Minutes, but Farrow also cited former employees who accused Fager himself of misconduct. [27]

On March 14, 2006, Wallace announced his retirement from 60 Minutes after 37 years with the program. He continued working for CBS News as a "Correspondent Emeritus", albeit at a reduced pace. [28] In August 2006, Wallace interviewed Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. [29] Wallace's last CBS interview was with retired baseball star Roger Clemens in January 2008 on 60 Minutes. [30] Wallace's previously vigorous health (Morley Safer described him in 2006 as "having the energy of a man half his age") began to fail, and in June 2008 his son Chris said that his father would not be returning to television. [31]

Wallace expressed regret for not having secured an interview with First Lady Pat Nixon. [32]

Wallace had two children with his first wife, Norma Kaphan. [33] Wallace's younger son, Chris, is also a journalist. His elder son, Peter, died at age 19 in a mountain-climbing accident in Greece in 1962. [34]

From 1949 to 1954, Wallace was married to Patrizia "Buff" Cobb, an actress and stepdaughter of Gladys Swarthout. The couple hosted the Mike and Buff Show on CBS television in the early 1950s. They also hosted All Around Town in 1951 and 1952. [35]

For many years, Wallace unknowingly suffered from depression. In an article that he wrote for Guideposts, Wallace related, "I'd had days when I felt blue and it took more of an effort than usual to get through the things I had to do." [36] His condition worsened in 1984 after General William Westmoreland filed a $120 million libel lawsuit against Wallace and CBS over statements that were made in the documentary The Uncounted Enemy: A Vietnam Deception (1982). Westmoreland claimed that the documentary made him appear as if he had manipulated intelligence. The lawsuit, Westmoreland v. CBS, was later dropped after CBS issued a statement explaining they never intended to portray the general as disloyal or unpatriotic. During the proceedings, Wallace was hospitalized with what was diagnosed as exhaustion. His wife Mary forced him to go to a doctor, who diagnosed Wallace with clinical depression. He was prescribed an antidepressant and underwent psychotherapy. Out of a belief that it would be perceived as weakness, Wallace kept his depression a secret until he revealed it in an interview with Bob Costas on Costas' late-night talk show, Later. [36] In a later interview with colleague Morley Safer, he admitted having attempted suicide circa 1986. [37]

Wallace received a pacemaker more than 20 years before his death, and underwent triple bypass surgery in January 2008. [4] He lived in a care facility the last several years of his life. [4] In 2011, CNN host Larry King visited him and reported that he was in good spirits, but that his physical condition was noticeably declining.

Wallace considered himself a political moderate. He was a friend of Nancy Reagan and her family for over 75 years. [38] Nixon wanted Wallace to be his press secretary. Fox News said, "He didn't fit the stereotype of the Eastern liberal journalist." Interviewed by his son on Fox News Sunday, he was asked if he understood why people feel disaffection toward the mainstream media. "They think they're wide-eyed commies liberals," Mike replied, a notion he dismissed as "damned foolishness". [39]

Wallace died at his residence in New Canaan, Connecticut, from natural causes on April 7, 2012, at the age of 93. [4] [40] The night after Wallace's death, Morley Safer announced his death on 60 Minutes. On April 15, 2012, a full episode of 60 Minutes aired that was dedicated to remembering Wallace's life. [41] [42] [43]

In 1989, Wallace was awarded an honorary Doctor of Laws from the University of Pennsylvania. [44] Wallace's professional honors included 21 Emmy Awards, [4] among them a report just weeks before the September 11 attacks for an investigation on the former Soviet Union's smallpox program and concerns about terrorism. He also won three Alfred I. duPont-Columbia University Awards, three George Foster Peabody Awards, a Robert E. Sherwood Award, a Distinguished Achievement Award from the University of Southern California School of Journalism, the Golden Plate Award of the American Academy of Achievement, [45] and a Robert F. Kennedy Journalism Award in the international broadcast category. In September 2003, Wallace received a Lifetime Achievement Emmy, his 20th. [ aanhaling nodig ] Most recently, on October 13, 2007, Wallace was awarded the University of Illinois Prize for Lifetime Achievement in Journalism.

  • 1991: Paul White Award, Radio Television Digital News Association[46]
  • 1999: Gerald Loeb Award for Network and Large-Market Television for an investigative piece on the international pharmaceutical industry [47]

Wallace was played by actor Christopher Plummer in the 1999 feature film The Insider. The screenplay was based on the Vanity Fair article "The Man Who Knew Too Much" by Marie Brenner, which was about Wallace caving in to corporate pressure to kill a story about Jeffrey Wigand, a whistle-blower trying to expose Brown & Williamson's dangerous business practices in the manufacture of cigarettes. Wallace disliked his on-screen portrayal and maintained that he was in fact very eager to have Wigand's story aired in full.

Wallace was played by actor Stephen Rowe in the stage version of Frost/Nixon, but he was omitted from the screenplay of the 2008 film adaptation and thus the movie itself. In the 1999 American broadcast television movie Hugh Hefner: Unauthorized, Wallace is portrayed by Mark Harelik. In the film A Face in the Crowd (1957), Wallace portrayed himself. In 2020, Greg Dehm played Wallace in episode 6 of the second season of Manhunt, re-creating Wallace's 1996 interview on 60 Minutes with Richard Jewell, the security guard who discovered a bomb at Atlanta's Centennial Olympic Park in July 1996.


Centennial birthday offers opportunity to reflect upon parallel journeys of Gov. George C. Wallace and the state of Alabama

August 25th of this year marks the centennial of my father’s birth, and the occasion offers an appropriate opportunity for us to reflect not only upon his life and career but upon the history of our state, as well.

Born seven years before Lindbergh crossed the Atlantic, George C. Wallace grew up in a rural portion of Alabama that, in many ways, was still recovering from the Civil War and the Reconstruction period that followed.

Among the traditions of his era was the practice of racial segregation, a system that had been in place for generations and one that would ultimately prove to be both wrong and indefensible, but to many Alabamians, it was the accepted way of everyday life.

It was a system that my father and thousands of other elected officials throughout the Deep South states fought to preserve, but unlike others, he sought to retain it through peaceful, methodical and more temperate measures.

My father was certainly defiant, charismatic, and energetic in his battle against what he perceived as a threat from the central government to control every aspect of our lives, but he was never violent.

He understood as both a well-educated attorney and as one of the greatest politicians this or any other state has ever produced that violence and bloodshed would harm his cause, not help it. And, as a Christian, he instinctively knew in his soul that violence was wrong.

He ensured the University of Alabama campus was swept clean of any item that could be used as a weapon prior to his “Stand In The Schoolhouse Door” at Foster Auditorium because he wanted to avoid the same violence that occurred when Ole Miss University was integrated.

Every stick, stone and pebble was methodically removed from the grounds of the Quad, and soft drink machines that dispensed bottles were replaced with ones that filled paper cups. In order to further quell trouble, he appeared on statewide television the night before student registration and implored citizens to stay away from campus and allow him to be their spokesman.

The result of his efforts was the peaceful and non-violent integration of the University.

He later became good friends with the two students who eventually made history on that hot June day. James Hood invited my father to attend his graduation when he received his doctorate from the University of Alabama, and Vivian Malone Jones was among the honored guests at his state funeral in 1998.

There are those who wrongly suggest without one scintilla of evidence that he commanded Alabama State Troopers to charge the marchers at the Edmund Pettus Bridge. He, in fact, ordered Col. Al Lingo and Dallas County Sheriff Jim Clark to protect the marchers if they crossed the bridge while he contacted President Johnson and requested federal troops to provide security throughout their 50-mile trek to Montgomery.

The late Montgomery Advertiser reporter Bob Ingram was in the Governor’s Office when news of the violence at the Edmund Pettus Bridge was received, and he later wrote extensively that my father was enraged as he stormed around his office and said, “This is the last thing I wanted!”

In today’s climate of extreme political correctness and strident advocacy journalism, those who seek to tell my father’s story focus almost exclusively on the tragedy in Selma and the events of 1965 and prior, but that is not where his journey ended.

It is, in many ways, where the most important journey of his life began.

Though he was a leader in preserving the Old South custom of segregation, he was an equally determined advocate of progress and racial reconciliation once the antiquated way of life was dissolved.

My father famously appeared at a meeting of African-American ministers at the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, where Dr. Martin Luther King once led the Montgomery Bus Boycott, and he told them he was wrong to defend such an outdated tradition. He also met and spoke privately with leaders like Rev. Joseph Lowry, Congressman John Lewis, Jesse Jackson, and others and candidly discussed his error of judgment.

There is no doubt that the redemptive example he set led millions of Alabamians – many of them the parents, grandparents and great grandparents of those who are reading this column – to accept, adapt and embrace the dramatic social and cultural changes, as well. I know that my sisters – Lee and Peggy, as well as Bobbie, who passed away in 2015 – share that belief.

Southerners of all races are a devout people with a deep sense of forgiveness, which is evidenced by the fact that my father was elected to his final terms as governor with the overwhelming votes and political support of the African-American community. He, in turn, appointed more minorities to office than any governor before or, very likely, since.

Let us not forget that my father offered forgiveness just as dramatically as he sought it when he quietly wrote a letter to the man who shot five bullets into his body and confined him to a wheelchair. He told his assailant, “Please seek our Heavenly Father because I love you, and I am going to Heaven, and I want you to be going, too.”

Throughout the past 100 years, my father’s journey and our state’s history have largely paralleled each other. Both moved from the aftermath of the Civil War to the promise of Civil Rights. Both traversed the often difficult path from segregation to integration. And both had the courage to change and embrace new truths.

Judging the Alabama of today by the grainy black-and-white images captured during the height of the Civil Rights Movement more than 50 years ago does a disservice to our state.

Judging my father’s life, career and legacy without viewing the entirety of his journey does the same disservice to him because the truth he ultimately embraced and nurtured is the truth we should all embrace today.

George Wallace Jr. is the son of Alabama Govs. George and Lurleen Wallace. He previously served two terms as Alabama State Treasurer and two terms as a member of the Alabama Public Service Commission.


Inside the Statehouse: George Wallace Stories

A good many of you enjoyed the George Wallace story I shared with you a few weeks ago. Allow me to reminisce and share two more funny Wallace-era stories.

I became acquainted with Governor Wallace when I was a young Page in the legislature.

I was elected to the legislature in 1982. Ironically, my district was comprised of my home county of Pike and also the portion of Barbour County that was Wallace’s home, including Clayton and Clio.

Gov. Wallace thought that was the most remarkable story that he had first met me as a 12-year-old Page and now 20 years later I was his representative.

He would often ask me to come down to his office and he would reminisce and tell me stories. He would always begin with the remembrance of my having been a “Page boy” when we first met. He had aged prematurely and was confined to a wheelchair due to having been shot running for president. Therefore, on our visits he would tell me the same stories over and over.

Well, one day I was visiting, and he told me the same stories. He then stopped and got a faraway nostalgic look on his face and looked at me intently and asked, “Steve, how old are you now?” I said, “Governor, I am 32 years old. I am grown and your representative,” He replied, “Huh. I guess I’ve been governor all your life.” He had indeed been governor most of the 20 years between my 12 th and 32 nd birthdays. My reply was, “Yes sir. I guess you will be governor all my life.”

I will share another story that I remember well with you.

Since I was Gov. Wallace’s Representative, he had made me a Floor Leader. As I mentioned earlier, he had known me since I was 12 years old and a page in the Legislature during his first term as Governor. My relationship gave me access to him, so one Fall day I ambled down to the Governor’s office. I walked into the office and the secretary whisked me back to his office pretty quickly. They said he would love to visit with me as he was not having a good day with his health and would like to reminisce with me about his younger days and first term. It would cheer him up.

Well, he seemed to be in good spirits when I went in, and he had his ever-present cigar in the corner of his mouth. Wallace’s health had deteriorated badly from the effects of the bullet wounds he had endured, and his hearing was really bad because he had been assigned to work around airplanes during World War II. My mission that day was to get $10,000 out of his Discretionary Fund for the Pike Pioneer Museum in my district. He controlled all of the extra pork money we appropriated, so we had to see the Governor for our pet project money. I knew we had put money into the tourism budget for projects like my museum. After listening to his story about politics and earlier days, I got down to business.

He led in by asking, “Steve, what did you want today?” I had to shout so Wallace could hear and began by selling the fact that my Pioneer Museum was located on a well-traveled four-lane highway which was a corridor and travel route for northerners traveling to the beaches for their winter escape, and that they would stop at our museum and spend tourist money in Alabama. Therefore, $10,000 of tourism funds for my museum was a wise stewardship of Alabama taxpayer money.

Wallace still seemed like he did not hear me well, so I almost shouted that we were catching the snowbirds as they traveled north or south. I had just heard the term snowbird and was loudly and proudly using it. Well, Wallace had not heard the term, but he heard me and said, “Steve, what kinds of birds are y’all catching down in Pike County?” I knew he was confused so I dropped my snowbird terminology and said, “Governor, we have a lot of Yankees that come through Pike County and we want to stop them at our museum and get them to spend tourist dollars.” He looked even more puzzled and looked at me aghast and said, “Steve, what in the world are y’all doing to the Yankees down there in Pike County?”

The poor fellow thought I was asking for money to set up a speed trap of some sort for unsuspecting Yankees traveling through Alabama. He finally gave me the money for the museum, but I still think he was a little concerned about how it was going to be spent.


Kyk die video: George Wallace Segregation Forever Speech