'N Kort geskiedenis van tabak in die Amerikas

'N Kort geskiedenis van tabak in die Amerikas



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Die geskiedenis van tabakgebruik in die Amerikas strek meer as 1000 jaar terug toe inboorlinge van die streek die blare van die plant wat nou bekend staan ​​as die koue kou of rook. Nicotiana rustica (hoofsaaklik in die noorde) en Nicotiana tabacum (meestal in die suide). Na die Europese kolonisasie sou tabak die winsgewendste gewas word wat uit die Amerikas uitgevoer word.

Hierdie plant het wild geword, maar is deur die inboorlinge verbou vir gebruik in godsdienstige rituele en jagpartytjies, omdat dit gedink het om die gees uit te brei en die gevoelens in die algemeen te verhoog. Na 1492 het die Europese kolonisasie van Wes -Indië en Suid- en Sentraal -Amerika die fokus van tabak na ontspanningsgebruik verskuif. Teen die middel van die 1500's CE was tabak die winsgewendste uitvoer uit die Spaanse en Portugese kolonies van Amerika, veral Nicotiana tabacum.

Die geheim van hulle Nicotiana tabacum die mengsel is noukeurig deur die Spaanse bewaak-dit was teen die wet om sade of plante met nie-Spanjaarde te deel-maar reisigers of handelaars sou dit in elk geval doen. Toe Engeland aan die einde van die 16de eeu nC Noord-Amerika begin koloniseer het, het sir Walter Raleigh (omstreeks 1552-1618 nC) die ouer, growwer, tabaksoort bekendgestel- N. rustica - na Brittanje. Teen hierdie tyd (ongeveer 1585 nC) het tabak reeds 'n gewilde ontspanningsmiddel in die land geword, maar N. rustica was 'n baie harder rook as die Spaanse N. tabacum.

Die Engelse kolonie Jamestown is in 1607 CE gestig en 'n baster van verskillende stamme N. tabacum is in 1610 CE deur die handelaar John Rolfe (l. 1585-1622 CE) gebring en geplant. Rolfe se oes het hom nie net ryk gemaak nie, maar het ook die Jamestown -kolonie van Virginia gered en die gebruik van tabak in Engeland, in Europa en in die res van die wêreld verder gewild gemaak. Tabakplantasies het in Virginia uitgebrei namate Jamestown self begin groei het, wat meer grond van die inheemse Amerikaners van die streek geneem het, en hierdie praktyk het uiteindelik gelei tot die Pow Manhattan Wars (1610-1646 CE) wat die meeste van die oorspronklike inwoners verdryf en meer ruimte gemaak het vir nog groter plantasies.

Die intense arbeid wat vir tabakgewasse benodig is, het gelei tot die toename in die invoer van Afrika -slawe en die verslawing van inheemse Amerikaners.

Die afname in die praktyk van ingeboude serwituut na 1676 nC, en die intense arbeid wat nodig was vir tabakgewasse, het gelei tot die toename in die invoer van Afrika -slawe en die verslawing van inheemse Amerikaners. Namate tabak gewilder geword het en meer kommersiële ondernemings gestig is vir die verbouing en verkoop daarvan, was meer grond en meer slawe nodig. Die oorspronklike gebruik van tabak deur die inboorlinge is vergeet, aangesien die plant die winsgewendste kontantgewas van die Amerikas geword het.

Dit het voortgegaan om die koloniale ekonomie aan te wakker, het bygedra tot die onrus wat gelei het tot die Amerikaanse Onafhanklikheidsoorlog (1775-1783 nC), die spanning in die land gelei tot die Amerikaanse burgeroorlog (1861-1865 nC), en dit was die oorsaak van die tabakoorloë van die vroeë 20ste eeu nC. In die moderne era is tabak erken as die grootste oorsaak van voorkombare sterftes, maar word dit steeds deur mense regoor die wêreld gebruik as een van die gewildste en gewildste ontspanningsmedisyne.

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Inheemse Amerikaanse gebruike en kolonisasie

Tabak was saam met die "drie susters" (boontjies, mielies en pampoen), aartappels en tamaties een van die belangrikste gewasse wat die inboorlinge verbou het voor die Europese kolonisering van die Amerikas. Die plant word as heilig beskou en word gereeld gerook of gekou as 'n eetlusonderdrukker, 'n stimulant, vir medisinale doeleindes en om gemeenskap met die geesteswêreld moontlik te maak. Toe Christopher Columbus (1451-1506 CE) in Kuba aankom, het die inheemse mense vir hom tabak as 'n geskenk aangebied. Columbus het beslag gelê op die plant en dit uitgevoer na Spanje waar dit 'n groot mark gevind het.

Columbus het die feodale stelsel van die encomienda wat die inboorlinge beskerming bied teen homself en sy manne, hoofsaaklik in ruil vir arbeid. Tabak het een van die belangrikste gewasse geword wat op die groot koloniale aanplantings geoes is, en namate die vraag na die plant in Europa toegeneem het, het die Spaanse heersers die inboorlinge harder gewerk. Die Spaanse priester Bartolomé de las Casas (l. 1484-1566 CE), wat later getuie was van die encomienda stelsel eerstehands, het kennis geneem van die brutaliteit van die Spaanse meesters in sy 'N Kort verslag van die vernietiging van die Indië. Nadat hy 'n aantal gruweldade wat die inheemse mense in die hand van die Spanjaarde gely het, vertel het, sê hy:

Die Spanjaarde het die oorspronklike plant so verfyn dat dit makliker rook en 'n aangenamer smaak het, en dit het dit natuurlik in die buiteland nog gewilder gemaak. In 1561 CE keer die Franse diplomaat Jean Nicot de Villemain (l. 1530-1604 CE), wat in Lissabon, Portugal gestasioneer was, terug na Frankryk met tabakplante. Hy het tabak aan die Franse hof voorgestel as 'n medisyne wat hoofpyn kan genees en die senuwees kan kalmeer. Tabak het onmiddellik 'n sukses geword by die hof, daarna in kloosters en uiteindelik onder die mense in die algemeen. Nicot is beloon deur die Franse kroon en sy naam is gegee aan die aktiewe bestanddeel in tabak, nikotien. Die nuwe mark in Frankryk het groter produksiepogings in die Amerikas vereis. Namate tabak winsgewender geword het, is meer grond geneem vir produksie en meer inboorlinge vir dwangarbeid.

Jamestown en John Rolfe

Dieselfde patroon sou homself in Noord -Amerika herhaal nadat Jamestown in 1607 deur die Britte gestig is. Tussen 1607-1610 nC het Jamestown gesukkel en tot 80% van die bevolking verloor en in 1609 HJ tot kannibalisme oorgegaan net om te oorleef. In 1610 CE het die handelaar John Rolfe saam met Sir Thomas Gates (l. 1585-1622 CE) en Thomas West, Lord De La Warr (l. 1577-1618 CE) aangekom en die lot van die kolonie omgekeer. De La Warr het 'n beleid van verowering sonder kompromie ingestel teen die inheemse Powhatan -konfederasie, terwyl Gates die koloniste en hul nedersetting hervorm het. Dit was egter Rolfe wat die kolonie gered het, dit uitgebrei het en regverdiging verskaf het om meer inheemse Amerikaanse grond in te neem toe die tabaksade waarmee hy aangekom het floreer en hy ryk geword het uit die vervaardiging en verkoop van Virginia -tabak.

Tabak is reeds in die streke rondom Virginia verbou deur die inheemse Adena -kultuur (ongeveer 800 v.C. - 1 n.C.), soos blyk uit artefakte soos die Adena -pyp en ander, en is voortgesit deur die Hopewell -tradisie (ongeveer 100 v.C. - 500 CE), opvolgers van die Adena, in die hedendaagse West Virginia, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Kentucky en Indiana. Die inheemse Powhatans het tabakverbouing geërf, maar dit was die N. rustica verskeidenheid. Rolfe se versnit was die gladder N. tabacum, maar sy vaardigheid met die plant het dit meer gewild gemaak as Spaanse tabak. Scholar Iain Gately lewer kommentaar:

Die eksperiment van John Rolfe het 'n vinnige en permanente verandering in die lotgevalle van Engeland se koloniale onderneming aangekondig. Engelsmanne het die waarde van tabak verstaan ​​en het min oorreding nodig gehad om die verbouing daarvan te finansier. Die Londense mark verwelkom toenemende versendings van Virginian -onkruid. Die tabakoes van 1618 was 20 000 pond. Vier jaar later, ondanks 'n Indiese aanval wat byna 'n derde van die koloniste van Virginia doodgemaak het, het die nedersetting 'n oes van 60 000 pond gestuur. Teen 1627 beloop die besending 500 000 pond, en twee jaar later verdriedubbel dit. (72)

Alhoewel De La Warr 'n veroweringsbeleid aangevoer het, was dit nie suksesvol nie, en nadat hy na Engeland teruggekeer het, probeer Rolfe 'n ander benadering: alliansie deur huwelik. In 1614 CE trou hy met Pocahontas (l. 1596-1617 CE), dogter van die Powhatan-hoofman (deur die koloniste na verwys as Chief Powhatan). Dit lyk nie asof Rolfe sy huwelik aanvanklik as 'n politieke strategie beskou het nie - die egpaar was werklik aangetrokke tot mekaar - maar dit het die doel gehad om die inboorlinge en koloniste vir 'n paar jaar te verenig en 'n groter uitbreiding van tabakplantasies moontlik te maak.

Slawerny en tabak

Hierdie plase is deur bediende bediendes bewerk - mense wat vrywillig of onwillekeurig ingestem het om 'n meester vir sewe jaar te dien in ruil vir die oorgang na die Nuwe Wêreld en 'n grondtoelae - maar namate die plase uitgebrei het, was meer arbeid nodig as wat hierdie bediendes kon verskaf. Gately kommentaar:

'N Oplossing verskyn vir Jamestown se arbeidsprobleem in die vorm van 'n Nederlandse handelsskip wat in 1619 anker gelê het in Chesapeakebaai. Die koloniste het twintig Afrikaanse slawe gekoop wat in die tabakvelde gaan werk het. Die Nederlandse handelaars herken 'n belowende mark en keer in die daaropvolgende jare terug met meer slawe te koop en slawerny het vinnig noodsaaklik geword vir die ekonomie van die kolonie. (73)

Dit lyk asof hierdie vroeë slawe anders behandel is as diegene wat later na die kolonie gebring is. Geleerde David A. Prysnotas:

Alhoewel dit aanloklik is om aan te neem dat hierdie eerste aangetekende Afrikaners in Engelse Amerika ook die eerste slawe was, is daar bewyse dat dit nie so was nie. Hulle het moontlik eerder die regsposisie gehad van bediende, soos baie van die wit nuwelinge, wat vry is nadat hulle 'n diensperiode voltooi het. (197)

Deel van die bewyse Prysverwysings is die teenwoordigheid van vrye swartes in die kolonie voor 1640 nC wat grond ontvang het, net soos wit bediende. Die jaar 1640 nC is 'n keerpunt in die behandeling van swart dienaars in teenstelling met blanke in die geval van die swart bediende John Punch. Punch maak beswaar teen sy behandeling deur sy meester en verlaat sy diens, sonder om sy kontrak na te kom, in die geselskap van twee ander wit bediendes. Toe die drie gevang word, het die twee wit bediendes hul diensbaarheid met vier jaar verleng terwyl Punch vir die res van sy lewe tot slawerny gevonnis is. Slawerny is teen 1661 CE in Virginia geïnstitusionaliseer, en hoewel daar nog vrye swartes in die kolonie was, het ras nou 'n baie groter rol gespeel in gemeenskapsake en beleid as wat dit voorheen gedoen het.

Uitbreiding en ekonomie

Slawe wat binnekort tabakplantasies bewerk het, is as meer waardevol beskou omdat tabak meer vaardigheid verg om te oes.

In 1676 CE het een van die grondeienaars, Nathaniel Bacon (1647-1676 CE), 'n opstand (Bacon's Rebellion) teen die goewerneur William Berkeley (l. 1605-1677 CE) uitgevoer, wat beter grond vir boere in die binneland en die slagting of hervestiging van die Powhatans wat nog in die omgewing was, wat soms op hierdie plase sou inval. Berkeley het Bacon se eise geweier, en die opstandelinge het Jamestown daarna verbrand. Die rebellie het uitmekaar geval toe Bacon aan dysenterie gesterf het, maar die owerhede het die gevaar erken om grondtoelaes voort te gee aan bediende wat later hul hulpbronne kan gebruik om opstand te befonds, en sodoende het die beleid beëindig.

Vanaf daardie tydstip sou Afrikane wat as slawe gekoop is, hande -arbeid op die plantasies versorg. Slawe wat binnekort tabakplantasies bewerk het, is meer waardevol beskou as dié wat in katoen- of ryslande gewerk het, omdat tabak meer vaardigheid vereis het om te oes. Nuwe slawe het vakleerlinge by die ou veterane in die veld aangeleer om hierdie vaardighede aan te leer, en slawegesinne is gereeld geskei wanneer 'n vaardige tabakslaaf aangehou word, maar sy of haar gesin verkoop is.

Tabak en die rewolusie

Namate die Europese vraag na tabak toegeneem het, was meer grond nodig vir plantasies, en eerstens moes meer inheemse Amerikaners uit hul stamlande verwyder word, en tweedens was meer Afrikane as slawe nodig. Die kolonies Maryland en Noord -Carolina het na Virginia die volgende twee grootste tabakprodusente geword, en teen die vroeë 1700's nC het al drie jaarliks ​​duisende pond tabak na Europa uitgevoer. Die Britse monargie het die produksie van katoen in die kolonies ontmoedig as gevolg van die ekonomiese beleid van mercantilisme (wat uitvoere en invoer balanseer), sodat tabak die primêre kontantoes was. Alhoewel Jakobus I van Engeland (1603-1625 n.C.) teen tabak beswaar gemaak het, kon hy nie met die wins argumenteer nie en het hy besluit om tabak te belas in plaas daarvan om dit te verbied.

Die tabakboere het hul produk met seëls gestempel om dit te identifiseer, en sekere plantasies het bekend geword vir beter tabak as ander. Die versending van tabak sou in Londen aankom waar dit deur handelaars hanteer word, wat een tabakmerk teen 'n hoër prys teenoor ander sou druk. Hierdie handelaars het ook gereeld die tabakpryse verlaag, terwyl hulle steeds groot lenings aan die koloniale planters gegee het. Die plantasie -eienaars was dus in die posisie om aansienlike skuld te betaal wat hulle weens depressiewe Londense markte nie kon betaal nie.

Burger- en tabakoorloë

Tabak het die ekonomie en beleid van die Verenigde State tot in die 19de eeu nC ingelig. Namate die noordelike state meer geïndustrialiseer geword het, het hulle minder slawe -arbeid nodig gehad, en baie het die instelling afgeskaf. Die suidelike state het egter steeds op slawe staatgemaak vir arbeid in die tabak- en katoenlande. Suidelike goedere word gereeld na die noorde gestuur en dit word belas, maar volgens die state kom niks uit die noorde as vergoeding nie; meningsverskille oor billike handel en die verdediging van slawerny in die suidelike state het uiteindelik tot konflik gelei.

Suidelike state breek met die unie wat na die Revolusie tot stand gekom het, en verklaar hulself as 'n aparte entiteit, die Konfederale State van Amerika. Noordelike state het gereageer deur hierdie optrede as opstand te omskryf, en daarom is die Amerikaanse burgeroorlog (meer bekend as die oorlog tussen die state) begin. Teen die tyd dat die suide in 1865 nC verslaan is, is slawerny afgeskaf, kon groot plantasies nie meer funksioneer soos dit vroeër was nie en moes voormalige slawe nou 'n billike loon betaal word.

Die suidelike state kon die nuwe model omseil deur wette oor rondlêery in te stel, waardeur iemand (byna altyd 'n swart man) wat pas in die stad aangekom het, wat nie 'n wettige adres kon verskaf nie, gearresteer en gevonnis is om te werk op 'n plaaslike plantasie. Planters wat van hierdie “werkers” voorsien is, kon meer tabak teen minder koste produseer as ander met meer beskeie plase wat hul arbeiders betaal het. Die boere verkoop hul produk aan 'n verspreider wat dit dan aan die publiek bemark, en diegene met die goedkoopste arbeid het ryk genoeg geword om ook die verspreiding te bestuur.

Die grootste verspreider in die 19de en vroeë 20ste eeu was American Tobacco Company wat gestig is deur James Buchanan Duke (l. 1856-1925 CE) wat niks met produksie en alles met verkope te doen het nie. Hy verkry alle regte op die nuwe sigaretrolmasjien in 1881 CE wat 400 sigarette per minuut kon vervaardig. Nadat hy sy koste verlaag het, het hy sy pryse verlaag en mededingers gedwing om hul besigheid te verkoop, sodat Duke 'n monopolie op die mark kon vorm. Daarna het hy 'n laer vergoeding aan boere aangebied vir hul gewasse, wat uiteindelik gelei het tot die tabakoorloë (beter bekend as die Black Patch Tobacco Wars) van 1904-1909 CE in die omgewing van Black Patch, Tennessee, 'n versameling provinsies wat so genoem is vir die donker rook van die tabak-genesingsproses.

Die oorloë was 'n reeks konflikte tussen tabakverskaffers en -verspreiders en 'n koalisie van boere wat homself die Planter's Protective Alliance noem, wat pakhuise, plase en pakhuise verbrand het en van tyd tot tyd ophangers opgehang het wat op plase aan Duke voorsien het. Die oorloë het geëindig toe die leiers in 1908-1909 CE gearresteer is en die American Tobacco Company in 1911 CE deur die federale regering afgebreek is.

Afsluiting

Sigare word beskou as geassosieer met die laer klas en armes, terwyl die pyp of sigaar die voorkeurmetode was om tabak te rook deur die gegoede. Massaproduksie en massabemarking het dit egter verander, en tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog (1914-1918 CE) is sigarette by militêre rantsoene ingesluit en met patriotisme geassosieer. Tabakgebruik het teen hierdie tyd wêreldwyd algemeen geword, alhoewel sommige lande dit probeer verbied het, selfs so ver as om tabakhandelaars en -gebruikers uit te voer.

In die huidige tyd het pogings deur groepe soos die Amerikaanse Kankervereniging ietwat meer effektief geblyk, en daar is gesondheidswaarskuwings of beelde van siek longe op tabakprodukte nodig. Tabakondernemings mag ook nie meer op televisie of in tydskrifte adverteer nie, en gesondheidswerkers beklemtoon voortdurend rooktabak as 'n oorsaak van longkanker. Tog bly mense regoor die wêreld tabak gebruik ten spyte van dekades van waarskuwings oor die gevare daarvan.

Sommige inheemse Amerikaanse groepe erken die gewildheid van die plant en probeer nou 'n ander benadering om rook te bekamp: om die heilige aard van tabak te laat herleef. Diegene wat by hierdie pogings betrokke was, beweer dat hulle 'n afname in die aantal rokers in hul gemeenskap gevind het wat tabak in sy heilige vorm herken het, sorgvuldig verbou van die aarde tot die finale produk, soos dit meer as 400 jaar gelede was, en so behandel dit nou, en hulself, met groter respek.


Geskiedenis van tabak en gesondheid

Tabak kom van plante wat inheems is aan die Amerikas rondom Peru en Ecuador, waar dit sedert prehistoriese tye gevind is. Dit is deur vroeë ontdekkingsreisigers na Europa teruggebring, waar dit deur die samelewing aangeneem is en weer uitgevoer is na die res van die wêreld namate die Europese kolonisasie plaasgevind het. Rooktabak in die een of ander pype het plek gemaak vir handgemaakte en daarna vervaardigde sigarette, veral tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Rookkoerse het tot onlangs in die 20ste eeu in ontwikkelde lande dramaties toegeneem en in onderontwikkelde lande neem die tariewe steeds toe. 'N Epidemie van rookverwante siektes het die voorkoms van rook gevolg. Wetenskaplike kennis van die skadelike gevolge van aktiewe tabakrook het gedurende die afgelope 60 jaar opgehoop sedert vroeë beskrywings van die toenemende voorkoms van longkanker. Die eerste epidemiologiese studies wat 'n verband tussen rook en longkanker toon, is in 1950 gepubliseer. In 1990 het die Amerikaanse chirurg -generaal tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat rook die mees gedokumenteerde oorsaak van die siekte is wat ooit ondersoek is, maar dat regerings wêreldwyd ambivalent en traag was om op te tree om rook te verminder. . Daar word nou ooreengekom dat tabakrook 'n groot oorsaak is van 'n groot aantal siektes en ander nadelige gevolge. Sedert die 1980's is passiewe rook, insluitend blootstelling in die baarmoeder, ook as 'n beduidende oorsaak van talle siektes geïmpliseer. In reaksie hierop het die tabakbedryf daarin geslaag om die groot gesondheidsprobleem te voorkom en te voorkom.


Die opkoms en val van Spittoons in die Verenigde State

Versierde Surinaamse porselein spoeg. Let op dat hierdie tipe spuittjie 'n gat in die tuit het om leeg te maak.

Spoegballe, bakvormige vate waarin tabakkouers spoeg, is gedurende die 19de en vroeë 20ste eeu wyd in die openbaar in die Verenigde State gebruik.

Alhoewel sigarette in die 19de eeu in die Verenigde State bestaan ​​het, was hulle nie naastenby so gewild soos kou tabak nie. Om die oortollige speekselkouers wat opgeblaas is, te akkommodeer, is spoegballe in openbare geboue geplaas, wat wissel van tavernes tot hofsale, spoorwegwaens en wat in privaat huise gebruik word.

Amerikaanse gebruik in die 19de eeu

Sedert die vroeë setlaars in die 17de eeu in Virginia, is tabak in die Verenigde State verbou en bemark. As gevolg van die groeiende aantal mense wat tabak gekou het, het spoegballe in die 19de eeu 'n algemene gesig geword. Die aantal spoegbottels wat in gebruik was, bereik sy hoogtepunt van 1880 tot 1918. Trouens, in 1880 het die Boston -brandweer 260 spoegpapiere besit. Spittoons was so algemeen in die openbaar dat hul teenwoordigheid een van die onderwerpe was wat tydens jaarlikse konferensies van die Amerikaanse openbare gesondheidsdiens bespreek is.

Spittoons is ontwerp om op 'n plat oppervlak te sit, meestal op die vloer. Hulle was rond en het 'n tregtervormige bedekking. In teorie moes mans tabaksap op die trechterbedekking spoeg en dit sou in die gat in die middel ingaan. In werklikheid is die algemene rigting van die spoeg meestal bereik, maar die eindbestemming was uiteindelik op die vloer.

Regulering van spoegballe in passasierstreine

Teen 1913 was die gebruik van spoegbottels 'n onderwerp van die 11de jaarlikse konferensie van staats- en territoriale gesondheidsbeamptes met die Amerikaanse openbare gesondheidsdiens. Rupert Blue, chirurg -generaal, het in sy brief van 13 Maart 1913, met die aankondiging van die datum en plek van die konferensie, geskryf: "Onder die sake wat voor die konferensie moet kom ... sanitasie van openbare vervoer." Tydens die konferensie wat op 16 Junie 1913 in Minneapolis gehou is, het dokters en ander gesondheidsamptenare bespreek of daar spoegbakke in treinwaens al dan nie moet wees. Op sommige plekke moes portiere op die treine die gebruik van spoegbakke beheer of monitor, "sodat mense wat reis, 'n spoeg moet kry."

Tydens die 13de jaarlikse openbare gesondheidsdienskonferensie, gehou op 13 Mei 1915, in Washington, DC, het die bespreking oor spoegpanne gewissel van regulering tot hoe die gebruik die sosiale gebruike en die openbare gesondheid beïnvloed. Die aangeleentheid is verwys na 'n komitee vir sanitasie van openbare vervoer vir geskrewe reëls in alle state en gebiede oor die konsekwentheid van grootte en aantal spoeg wat op openbare vervoer gebruik word.

Die aanbeveling van die spesiale komitee was dat spoeglepels gereeld skoongemaak moet word en dat elke rookkompartement minstens twee spuittakke moet hê. Toe 'n hele motor vir rook en kou tabak gebruik word, was die aanbeveling om elke drie sitplekke 'n lepel te spuug. As die spoorweë meer as die aanbevole nommer wou aanbied, sou dit hul opsie wees.

Gevare van spoegbome en die verspreiding van tuberkulose

Nadat ooreengekom is oor die aantal spuitbakke vir rookkompartemente en dagrokermotors, is kommer uitgespreek oor die maklike toegang van passasiers. Aangesien die aanbeveling was om een ​​spuittjie vir elke drie sitplekke in 'n motor te rook, sou mense vir mense wat nie langs 'n spoeg sit nie, oor die sitplekke en passasiers moes spoeg om die naaste een te bereik. Die konferensie stel dan voor om die aanbeveling te verander van een spittoon vir elke drie sitplekke na een vir elke twee sitplekke.

As u 'n dag lank 'n motor rook, sal u die spoeg uit die eersteklas busse haal. Dames in die eerste klas hoef nie meer hul rompe op te tel om oor die spoegballe te stap nie. Die komiteelede het daarop gewys dat sommige lepels 6 of 8 sentimeter hoog was. Hulle moet nie in motors wees waar hulle nie gebruik word nie.

'N Ander rede waarom die konferensie regulasies vir spitstokke wou hê, was om regsgedinge teen moontlike ongelukke te voorkom. Sonder om die plasing en berging van spoegbakke te reguleer, kan iemand, manlik of vroulik, struikel en omval oor 'n lepel, moontlik skade aan die spoorweg eis.

Kommer oor die verspreiding van tuberkulose het 'n einde gemaak aan die wydverspreide gebruik van spoegbome. As deel van die konferensie van die openbare gesondheidsdiens in 1915 het dokters gesê dat sputum in Louisiana by mense van verskillende beroepe ingesamel is, of dit nou tabakkouers was of nie. Die bevindinge het getoon dat uit elke 1000 monsters tuberkulose het.

Spittoons in Modern Times

Spittoons, ook genoem cuspidores, word steeds in moderne tye gebruik, maar op beperkte maniere. Hulle word gebruik om wyn te proe en is 'n porselein wasbak langs 'n tandartsstoel. Die vloer van die Amerikaanse senaat het spoegballe as 'n simbool van 'n vervloë era.

Die swak doelwit rondom spoegballe word uitgebeeld in 'n skildery in die Missouri State Capitol in Jefferson City. Hierdie muurskildery, A Social History of Missouri deur Thomas Hart Benton, is in die House Lounge geleë en is 'n reeks tonele van die vroeë setlaars tot die stede gedurende die dertigerjare. Een toneel toon 'n verhoor aan die gang en 'n spoeg op die vloer omring deur speeksel wat bruin gemaak is deur tabak.


'N Kort geskiedenis van tabak in die Amerikas - geskiedenis

Voor die middel van die negentigerjare was sommige van die grootste ondernemings in die VSA in die tabakbedryf. Ten spyte van 'n paar kennis van die gesondheidsrisiko's wat rook veroorsaak het, was dit eers toe state die sakeondernemings begin dagvaar het en die bedryf sedertdien nie herstel het nie. Alhoewel rook moontlik op pad is, lyk die gebruik van tabak. Wat baie nie weet nie, is net hoe lank tabakprodukte in die beskawing gebruik is, en vandag gaan ons kyk na 'n kort geskiedenis van tabak en die produkte wat deur die jare gebruik is.

Daar is gedokumenteerde gebruik van tabak van byna 8 000 jaar gelede, en ons het bewyse gesien van antieke beskawings wat wilde tabak op baie verskillende maniere gebruik. Ons weet dat die inheemse Amerikaners tabak aan Columbus geskenk het by sy aankoms, toe dit as genesend en herstellend beskou is. Wat die kommersiële gebruik betref, het gerolde tabak van Europa na die VSA gekom, en dit was toe ons die eerste keer wydverspreide gebruik van die produk gesien het.

Kommersiële sigarette

In terme van die verkoop van sigarette klaargemaak, gebeur dit eers in die begin van die 20ste eeu. Sodra die produkte op die mark was, was dit 'n onmiddellike sukses, en daar word berig dat meer as 3 miljard sigarette in 1901 alleen verkoop is. Gegewe hierdie groot aantrekkingskrag, is meer en meer tabakondernemings gestig wat begin het om verskillende soorte sigarette aan kliënte te verkoop.

Daar bestaan ​​geen twyfel dat tabakondernemings gedurende die 20ste eeu van die rykstes op aarde was nie. Gegewe die hoeveelheid geld wat hierdie ondernemings beskikbaar het, was die mededinging onder hulle erg, en dit het gelei tot 'n groot belegging in bemarking. Dit lyk nou nogal vreemd, as ek terugkyk na hoe gereeld u die naam van 'n sigaretverskaffer in advertensies sou vind. Van sportbyeenkomste tot vermaaklikheidsvertonings, tydskrifbladsye en advertensieborde, sigaretmerke was oral. Baie stel eintlik voor dat die vordering van bemarking baie te doen het met die groot hoeveelheid geld wat die sigaretmerke daarin gepomp het.

Soos in die titel genoem, sou die borrel uiteindelik vir hierdie maatskappye bars. Regskwessies en kommerwekkende kommer oor die gesondheid het daartoe gelei dat die bedryf 'n boete opgelê word vir groot bedrae, advertensies verbied en geleidelik uit die kultuur verwyder word. Dit was moontlik die einde van die duiselingwekkende hoogtepunte, maar die gebruik van tabak duur steeds voort.

Daar is baie produkte op die mark, soos snus- en nikotiensakkies wat ook al eeue lank gebruik word. Hierdie produkte was nog altyd ongelooflik gewild en daar is geen rede waarom hierdie bedryf nie sal voortgaan nie. As mense aan tabak dink, oorweeg hulle onmiddellik sigarette, maar as die bedryf sterf, sal ons weer sien dat tabak nog steeds 'n plek in die wêreld het.

Soos u kan sien, was tabak, ten opsigte van die gebruik van die plant, nog altyd 'n belangrike deel van ons samelewing in die VSA, en dit lyk asof dit so sal bly.


Die wetenskap agter die brouery

Alhoewel mense al eeue lank voedsel inneem wat kafeïen bevat, is die suiwer chemikalie eers in 1821 geïdentifiseer en geïsoleer. Dit is nou bekend dat kafeïen die aktiwiteit van neurone in die brein versnel en adrenalien vrystel, soos ander stimulante doen. Kafeïen het egter 'n ander aksie wat minder bekend is, wat verduidelik waarom kafeïenhoudende mense mense snags wakker hou.

Terwyl dit werk, maak die brein 'n chemiese byproduk genaamd adenosien. Teen die einde van die dag is die adenosienvlakke in die brein hoog. Hoë vlakke dui aan sekere selle in die brein dat dit tyd is om moeg te voel. Die ophoping van adenosien help dus om die liggaam aan die einde van die dag te vertraag en dit op die slaap voor te berei. Kafeïen belemmer hierdie proses deur die werking van adenosien te blokkeer. As gevolg hiervan kry selle nie die sein dat dit tyd is om te vertraag en te rus nie, sodat hulle aanhou werk in hul normale tempo.

Adenosienopbou dui ook daarop dat bloedvate in die brein moet vergroot. Navorsers glo dat hierdie uitbreiding verseker dat baie kos en suurstof tydens die slaap aan die selle gestuur word. As kafeïen teenwoordig is, word die opdrag om te vergroot egter nie gestuur nie, sodat die vate klein en vernou bly.

Kafeïen se vermoë om die uitbreiding van bloedvate in die brein te voorkom, maak dit 'n nuttige behandeling vir vaskulêre hoofpyn. Pynlike vaskulêre hoofpyn word veroorsaak deur vergrote bloedvate in die brein. Sommige mense wat aan hierdie toestand ly, neem kafeïenpille voorgeskryf wanneer hul hoofpyn begin, 'n strategie wat die grootte van die vate verminder en voorkom dat die hoofpyn vererger.

Kafeïen stimuleer ook liggies die senuwees wat die grootte van brongiale buise in die longe reguleer. Die stimulasie veroorsaak dat hierdie buise effens groter word, wat dit makliker maak om asem te haal. Navorsers ondersoek hierdie eiendom om te sien of dit kafeïen 'n waarde kan gee in die behandeling van siekes. Byvoorbeeld, in die Harvard Kommentaar Gesondheid Nuus, Sê dr. Robert Shmerling, "Pasgeborenes, veral diegene wat vroeggebore is of net na die geboorte geopereer is, kan met kafeïen behandel word om hul asemhaling te stimuleer." 4


Die geskiedenis van sigarette

Sigarette is klein silinders gevul met tabakblare wat fyn gesny is saam met 'n lang lys ander bestanddele. Hierdie blare is in papier. Hulle is maklik herkenbaar, deels vanweë die positiewe en negatiewe blootstelling wat hulle deur die jare gekry het. In die moderne tyd is sigarette bederf oor hul veiligheid vir die roker en die gevaar wat tweedehandse rook vir die mense rondom hulle inhou. Die verslawende aard van die nikotien wat in tabak voorkom, wek ook kommer, asook die verskillende karsinogene wat in sigaretrook voorkom. In die taamlik onlangse verlede was sigarette egter vroeër as simbole van glans beskou en het dit status en rykdom verteenwoordig. Gedurende daardie tyd was rook 'n gewilde tydverdryf, en dit is selfs aangemoedig. Die tabak wat in sigarette voorkom, het 'n lang geskiedenis in die Verenigde State, en selfs voor die skep van sigarette is dit deur verskillende inheemse mense vir 'n verskeidenheid godsdienstige of seremoniële doeleindes gebruik.

As u meer oor sigarette leer, moet u eers begin met die oorsprong van die tabakplant, wat tot 6000 v.C. teruggevoer kan word. in Sentraal -Amerika. Teen 1 v.C. die plant het oor die hele Amerikas versprei en word gereeld deur die inheemse bevolking op verskillende maniere en vir verskillende doeleindes gebruik. Die inboorlinge het gevind dat hulle die plant kon kou, dit in pype kon rook, en selfs tabakspiesems kon gebruik. Dit is gedoen vir godsdienstige, seremoniële en selfs medisinale doeleindes. Toe Columbus in die Nuwe Wêreld beland, het hy en sy bemanning gesien hoe die mense van Taino en Arawak die tabak rook en selfs blare gekry het. Lede van sy bemanning het die ervaring probeer en geniet en uiteindelik tabak saamgeneem huis toe. Although it originally unnerved some people to see smoke coming from the mouths and nostrils of people who smoked it, smoking quickly became popular and throughout the 1500s and 1600s began to spread through Europe. Although Europeans had begun to cultivate tobacco in Central America in the mid-1500s, it wasn't until 1612 that the first commercial crop of tobacco was grown in Virginia by John Rolfe. Tobacco crops at the time were so prosperous that they became key to economic growth. It was used as currency and would continue to be used in that manner for the following 200 years.

Cigarettes as well as cigars began to surface during the Civil War to fulfill the need for portable means of smoking. Because of the lack of slave labor following the War, the cigarette machine was invented to help create cigarettes and increase production. By 1913, despite an anti-cigarette campaign, the modern cigarette was introduced to society. This was the popular Camel brand of cigarettes and it was released by RJ Reynolds.

Around the late 1930s the initial link between cancer and smoking began to surface, with major reports on the topic released in the 50s. Despite these concerns, aggressive marketing campaigns resulted in an increase in the number of people who smoked during the 20th century, including women who were targeted by glamorizing the habit. This increase took place primarily between the early 1930s and the late 1970s. In fact, during World War I and World War II soldiers were even given rations of cigarettes. In 1964, however, the United States Surgeon General released a report that stated smoking caused men to develop lung cancer. As a result more attention began to focus on the negative effects of smoking and cigarette smoke.

In recent times, tobacco and cigarette companies have made efforts to be more responsible in their advertising methods. Laws have been created to ensure that people under a certain age do not have access to cigarettes, and there have even been efforts to create nicotine-free cigarettes and electric cigarettes. Despite the wide-spread knowledge of the dangers associated with smoking, however, many still continue to smoke today. In addition to lung cancer, smoking can cause birth defects, cardiovascular disease, respiratory disease, and infertility. It causes approximately 443,000 deaths per year in the United States.

For more information on the history of smoking and tobacco, please read the following links.


History of the Surgeon General's Reports on Smoking and Health

On January 11, 1964, Luther L. Terry, M.D., Surgeon General of the U.S. Public Health Service, released the first report of the Surgeon General&rsquos Advisory Committee on Smoking and Health.

On the basis of more than 7,000 articles relating to smoking and disease already available at that time in the biomedical literature, the Advisory Committee concluded that cigarette smoking is&mdash

  • A cause of lung cancer and laryngeal cancer in men
  • A probable cause of lung cancer in women
  • The most important cause of chronic bronchitis

The release of the report was the first in a series of steps, still being taken more than 40 years later, to diminish the impact of tobacco use on the health of the American people.

For several days, the report furnished newspaper headlines across the country and lead stories on television newscasts. Later it was ranked among the top news stories of 1964.

During the more than 40 years that have elapsed since that report, individual citizens, private organizations, public agencies, and elected officials have pursued the Advisory Committee&rsquos call for &ldquoappropriate remedial action.&rdquo

Early on, the U.S. Congress adopted the Federal Cigarette Labeling and Advertising Act of 1965 and the Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act of 1969. These laws&mdash

  • Required a health warning on cigarette packages
  • Banned cigarette advertising in the broadcasting media
  • Called for an annual report on the health consequences of smoking

In September 1965, the Public Health Service established a small unit called the National Clearinghouse for Smoking and Health.

Through the years, the Clearinghouse and its successor organization, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention&rsquos Office on Smoking and Health, have been responsible for 29 reports on the health consequences of smoking.

In close cooperation with voluntary health organizations, the Public Health Service has&mdash

  • Supported successful state and community programs to reduce tobacco use
  • Disseminated research findings related to tobacco use
  • Ensured the continued public visibility of antismoking messages

Within this evolving social milieu, the population has given up smoking in increasing numbers. Nearly half of all living adults who ever smoked have quit.

The antismoking campaign is a major public health success with few parallels in the history of public health. It is being accomplished despite the addictive nature of tobacco and the powerful economic forces promoting its use.

However, more than 45 million American adults still smoke, more than 8 million are living with a serious illness caused by smoking, and about 438,000 Americans die prematurely each year as a result of tobacco use.

Efforts to implement proven interventions must be continued and expanded.

This material was compiled by the Office on Smoking and Health, National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Updated December 2006.


A brief history of cotton in America

The history of cotton in America began back in 1556 when it was cultivated by American settlers in Florida. Because cotton needed a warm climate, the southern states of America is the ideal place to plant and harvest it. Most of the cotton grown in the very early days of America was kept at home for use around the home for making those homespun cotton clothes.

In the 1730&rsquos England began to spin cotton and developed a textile industry. This industry grew rapidly but was dependant on manual labor for picking cotton and removing the seeds. This all changed when Eli Whitney invented the cotton Gin in 1793. This machine increases the speed of which cotton was separated from the seed by a factor of 10. It made it possible for the cotton industry in America to grow from an annual revenue of $150,000 to $8 million in the early 1800&rsquos.

As the availability of ready to spin cotton grew, so did the textile industry in England which America was happy to supply. By the 1800&rsquos cotton farms across the southern states grew and dominated the cotton industry in the world. As the importance of cotton and the industry that it developed grew, so did the need for workers in the fields.

The southern states after the Civil War were still a one crop industry. The difference is the people in the fields were being paid now. The production of US cotton was reduced. India was then deemed a natural place to grow this crop and today is the second largest exporter of cotton to the world.

The cotton industry was severely affected by the end of the Civil War. In 1892 it then had to deal with the devastating effects of the boll weevils that came up from Mexico. To this day there is still a boll weevil problem but it has been significantly reduced. The eradication of the boll weevil did not begin until the 1950&rsquos. By that time it had already costs the US cotton industry over $22 billion.

With the New Deal introduced by the US Government to help deal with this devastating pest, the south began to diversify its crops. This did help to bring economic growth to the southern states of America, but America would no longer be the largest producer of cotton in the world.

The statistics for the global cotton industry places China as the largest producer of cotton in the world with 33 million bales annually. India is second with 27 million bales. America is now the third largest producer of cotton with a total production in 2013 of 18 million bales. Pakistan places fourth on the list with a production of 10.3 million bales a year.

US cotton is still a major industry in America with over $100 billion dollars in revenue, but we are no longer the largest in the world. Despite that, the US cotton clothing industry is still strong and can supply the domestic and foreign markets with high quality cotton for years to come.


Cigar Aficionado

The year was 1992. The American cigar industry was in poor shape. The customer base was aging and contracting, sales had been in a steady 30-year decline and the men who made cigars and grew tobacco no longer encouraged their children to follow in their footsteps.

“I did not think that there was a future in the cigar industry,” said Carlos Toraño in 2006, speaking about the state of the cigar industry in the 1980s. His father, grandfather, cousins, uncles—just about everyone with the surname Toraño had worked with cigar tobacco, dating back to Cuba in 1916. But he was happy when his son Charlie chose a new career path, opting to become a lawyer instead of a tobacco man in August 1992.

American cigar consumption was spiraling to all-time lows, having dropped by more than 66 percent between the mid-1960s and early 1990s, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture. Imports of premium, handmade cigars, which had hovered around the 100 million-unit mark throughout the 1980s, decreased by 2.6 percent between 1990 and 1991, to 103.6 million cigars.

“One of [my relatives] compared the cigar business to the buggy whip business,” wrote Stanford Newman about the U.S. cigar industry at that time in his autobiography Cigar Family. “A dying industry with no future.”

But Newman, and everyone else in the cigar industry, had no idea that the cigar boom was about to begin, and this centuries-old industry that has weathered all manner of challenges was about to be changed like never before.

We’ve all heard the tale of Columbus witnessing Cuba’s indigenous population twisting up tobacco leaves and enjoying a rustic smoke, and how the explorer brought the raw material back to Europe. Webster’s dates the origin of the word “cigar” back to 1730, from the Spanish cigarro, and what we think of as a cigar today—made of filler, binder and wrapper—appeared in the early eighteenth century, according to Tobacco in History and Culture. Spain developed quite the appetite for cigars, one that exceeded its ability to produce them, leading to Spanish investment in its then-colony of Cuba, where cigar production began in earnest.

The population of Havana boomed after the king of Spain declared free trade in 1818 in the country, which remained a Spanish colony until 1898. It was during that period that many of Cuba’s famous cigar brands were created. Punch was formed in 1840 by a German, the famous Partagás factory was built in 1845 by Spaniard Jaime Partagás, El Rey del Mundo and Sancho Panza were created by the German Emilio Ohmstedt in 1848 and Hoyo de Monterrey was founded in 1865 by José Gener, a young immigrant from Spain.

One hundred years ago, cigar smoking was quite common, and cigar factories seemed to be everywhere. “The cigar profession commanded a fair amount of prestige at the turn of the century. Cigars were arguably the most popular tobacco product in America,” wrote Stanford Newman. “Almost every city in the East and Midwest had at least one small cigar factory.” These factories were not necessarily large operations, and many were simply a person in a room rolling cigars.

Newman’s father, J. C., began rolling cigars in the barn behind his family’s Cleveland home in 1895, creating J. C. Newman Cigar Co., which still exists to this day. At the time, that facility was one of 300 cigar factories in Cleveland, and one of 42,000 in the entire United States.

Wherever they were rolled, all cigars were made entirely by hand until around 1920, when the first cigarmaking machines appeared, and they became more common after the Great Depression. In the meantime, cigarettes came on the scene, as they were included in the mess kits of G.I.s during the First World War, and began edging aside cigars in popularity. By the mid-1920s they had become the nation’s most popular form of tobacco.

Cigar sales were largely flat in the 1940s and early 1950s, and most of the cigars made in America (outside of Florida) were being made by machine. On the premium end of the cigar business, Americans had a great appreciation for Cuban tobacco, almost all of it rolled in Tampa, Florida, into cigars that were known as Clear Havanas. And they were inexpensive. Arturo Fuente sold a diminutive size known as a Breva for 10 cents apiece at the time. “Pre-embargo, most cigars in the United States that were considered premium were a quarter,” said longtime cigar industry veteran Sherwin Seltzer in a 1998 Cigar Insider onderhoud. Imported Havanas, a small part of the business, cigars reserved for the extremely well-off, could be had for those willing to spend about 65 cents.

Fidel Castro’s rise to power in Cuba in the late 1950s would forever change the world of cigars. In 1960, Castro seized control of Cuba’s cigar and tobacco industry, and his regime plucked the country’s cigar gems: it nationalized the Hoyo de Monterrey factory, home of Punch, Belinda and the Hoyo brand seized the H. Upmann factory from owners Menendez and Garcia, taking with it Cuba’s famous Montecristo and H. Upmann brands and grabbed the emblematic Partagás Factory from owner Ramón Cifuentes. “They came inside, and said, ‘We’re here to intervene the company,’ ” Cifuentes told Cigar Aficionado in an interview. “And they didn’t allow me to take anything.”

The nationalization of Cuba’s cigar industry led to the exile of many of its famed tobacco and cigar men, which led to the rise of the non-Cuban cigar industry. When U.S. President John F. Kennedy signed an embargo prohibiting nearly all trade between Cuba and the United States in 1962, it forced cigarmakers to reinvent their blends. Cuban leaf, the lifeblood of the cigar industry, was now off-limits to American smokers.

“When we got the embargo, we bought tobacco left and right by telephone,” said Alfons Mayer in 2002. Mayer, who died in 2006, spent years as the main tobacco buyer for General Cigar Co. “We were buying Puerto Rican, Dominican, Colombian, people went to Brazil, we went all over Honduras, our native tobaccos here [in the United States], we used some Java, some air cured, we made blends, blends, blends. People went to different areas to try and grow tobacco. There was a lot of trial and error.”

Cuba’s exiled cigarmakers traveled far and wide searching for new places to roll. The Menendez family went to the Canary Islands to make cigars, and soon launched Montecruz, a copy of the Montecristo brand it had lost in Cuba. General Cigar turned to Jamaica, where cigarmaking had been a big business during the Second World War. General acquired the Temple Hall Factory in 1969, which included a then-unknown brand named Macanudo, destined to become the best-selling premium cigar in the United States for many years.

Many of Cuba’s exiled cigarmakers made deals with American cigar companies to license or sell their cigar brand names, resulting in non-Cuban versions of Partagás, Punch, H. Upmann, Hoyo de Monterrey, Montecristo and other cigars strictly sold in the United States. The landmark 1972 lawsuit Menendez v. Faber, Coe & Gregg established a legal precedent in which the rights of the owners to sell their non-Cuban versions were upheld by American law.

Tobacco seeds were brought around the world, and propagated in various countries. French tobacco monopoly SEITA established plantations in Cameroon in western Africa in the late 1950s. The rich, toothy wrapper became an industry favorite, and the Meerapfel family saved it from extinction after the French left Africa in the early 1960s. At that time tobacco pioneers had success planting Cuban seeds in Honduras. In 1967, Carlos Toraño Sr. brought Cuban seeds to the Dominican Republic, a nation just removed from civil war, and helped improve the quality of the country’s tobacco, which was mostly grown for cigarettes at the time.

With Dominican Republic cigars currently ubiquitous, it may be hard for a modern-day cigar lover to believe that 40 years ago the Dominican Republic made very few cigars for export. In the 1970s, most of the imported cigars enjoyed in the United States were rolled in the Canary Islands, Jamaica and Mexico, and America still made a large number of cigars. In the early 1970s, free-trade zones opened in the Dominican Republic. Conglomerate Gulf + Western, then the owner of Consolidated Cigar Corp., a company that later became Altadis U.S.A. Inc., began processing tobacco in La Romana in 1969 and started rolling cigars there in 1972.

In 1974 a free-trade zone opened in Santiago, and Manufactura de Tabacos S.A., known as MATASA, soon set up shop. Its owner, Manuel Quesada, explained in a 2004 interview in Cigar Aficionado: “In Miami, the cigarmakers that had come out of Cuba were getting older, and with the Social Security a lot of them had to be paid under the table and it started to become a hassle. The free zones had just started in the Dominican Republic. So it was a good idea to transfer production from Miami to the Dominican Republic.”

By the mid-1980s, the Dominican Republic was a hot spot for making cigars. In the 1990s, it became the center of the cigar universe.

Imports of premium, handmade cigars began to climb towards the end of 1992—soon after Cigar Aficionado magazine appeared in September of that year. The American cigar market was turned on its head, and would go through a period of unimaginable growth. Premium cigar imports rose by 3.7 percent in 1992, 9.7 percent in 1993, 12.4 percent in 1994, 33.1 percent in 1995 and soared 66.7 percent in 1996, to more than 293 million cigars. Between 1992 and 1996, the market for fine cigars nearly tripled.

“I went back to look at our financials dating back to 1992, and I will honestly tell you that, based on our sales increases beginning in 1993, I would have had no problem guessing the year [the magazine] started,” says John Oliva Sr., the head of Oliva Tobacco Co., one of the cigar world’s leading names in growing and brokering cigar tobacco. “It was, in my opinion, Cigar Aficionado that kick-started the boom.”

Once-sleepy smoke shops became jammed with customers. Incoming orders of cigars would sometimes be stacked in piles on the floor, never making it to the walk-in humidor. Kansas City retailer Curt Diebel, whose boom-time business doubled each month for a time, went as far as to install a secret spot in his humidor to hide his stock, in fear that new customers would walk in and buy everything he had. “I spent my time on the phone trying to convince the vendors to give me product,” says Diebel. “Then I had to allocate my product for my [regular] customers. We got tired of having strangers come in and saying ‘I’ll take all of them.’ ”

In Miami, Ernesto Perez-Carrillo’s La Gloria Cubana brand—heralded in the third issue of Cigar Aficionado with several 90-point scores for $2 cigars—suddenly had the hottest thing in the cigar world, and found himself completely submerged in new orders. His sales rocketed from 700,000 cigars in 1992 to 3.3 million in 1996, and then nearly doubled to 6.1 million the following year.

Antismoking regulations in the United States were still in their infancy during the cigar boom, and restaurateurs eagerly welcomed the cigar lovers. Cigar bars opened, cigar dinners flourished, and Cigar Aficionado’s Big Smokes brought cigar lovers out en masse.

Cigar shops expanded and new ones opened. As traditional cigar companies tried to expand their operations, newcomers flocked to the cigar industry, creating brand after brand after brand. People dug old cigars out of humidors (and basements) hoping to cash in at auction. The average price for a box of pre-embargo Cuban cigars sold at Christie’s soared from less than $500 in 1992 to nearly $2,500 in mid-1996.

Cigar lovers were not only buying more cigars, but they had radically changed their buying habits. Before 1992, said Robert Levin, retailer and owner of the Ashton brand, “people would be brand loyal, come in once a week for a box of cigars. Now they come in with the ratings, and they want to buy a bunch of different brands.” The sale of singles quickly replaced the box sale.

The most popular cigars of the early 1990s were often made of mild, Dominican filler, wrapped with mild leaves of Connecticut-shade. Cigarmakers, emboldened by the increased sales, made more flavorful blends. The late 1995 release of the Fuente Fuente OpusX helped spark a trend toward more powerful, spicy smokes. Cuban-seed tobaccos and Ecuadoran Sumatra wrappers became increasingly popular, and cigar smokers learned the term “ligero,” describing the strongest variety of filler tobacco. The 1994 release of the ultrarich Padrón 1964 Anniversary Series, made entirely with Cuban-seed tobaccos, ignited a trend toward box-pressed cigars, which had been almost entirely absent from the U.S. market.

As cigar sales grew, so did the girth (measured in ring gauge) of the most-popular smokes. One retailer said that in 1990, almost 80 percent of his sales came from the very slim lonsdales and coronas sizes. By 1996, most of his sales came from fat robustos and corona gordas. The first edition of Cigar Aficionado magazine rated 17 robustos, the fattest of which had a ring gauge of 52. The Diamond Crown brand, a line consisting entirely of 54-ring gauge cigars, made news in 1995 when it was launched—as 54s were considered quite thick in those days. Today, a ring gauge of 60 characterizes one of the most popular sizes in American smoke shops.

The effects of the cigar boom reached Cuba as well. Consumers flocked to Cuban cigar stores and bought every cigar they could find. On a trip to Havana in early 1996, the Cigar Aficionado editors visited nine cigar shops and couldn’t find a double corona, Montecristo No. 2 or Partagás Serie D No. 4. Cuba, which had produced fewer than 60 million export-quality cigars in 1993 and 1994, vastly increased its production. Cuban cigar exports reached 100 million units in 1997, and officials announced the long-term goal of increasing further to 200 million cigars by the year 2000.

In November 1996, Cuba launched the Cuaba brand, the first new brand from the island in nearly 30 years. That was soon followed by such creations as Vegas Robaina, Trinidad and San Cristobal de la Habana. Cuba opened new cigar factories and vastly increased plantings of tobacco. Alas, the mandate to pump out cigars at such a rate resulted in a rash of inferior product.

Wall Street soon took an interest in cigars, and six cigar companies went public in 1996. Newcomer Caribbean Cigar Co. became the first stand-alone public cigar company with its August 1, 1996 initial public offering. Sixteen days later, high-profile financier Ronald Perelman took his Consolidated Cigar Holdings public for $23 a share. Machine-made giant Swisher International Group Inc., the cigar retailers JR and Holts, and even a one-year-old company named Tamboril soon followed suit.

By 1995, more than 25 million cigars were on back order, and in 1996, that number was more than 50 million. Cigar brands such as Arturo Fuente and La Gloria Cubana became impossible to find. For six weeks of the summer of 1996, General Cigar didn’t ship a single Macanudo cigar, the best-selling premium cigar in the United States at the time. “We were using tobacco so rapidly we got caught. We didn’t have enough in the aging blend,” said then-company president Austin T. McNamara.
The influx of boom-time smokes often meant substandard product. The April 1997 Cigar Insider had ratings for 50 cigars and, for the first time since publication began in January 1996, not one scored 90 points or more. Low ratings abounded, with a trio of 83s and one of the most expensive cigars in the issue—a $6.25 effort from a Canary Islands brand called Goya—scored 82 points.

Newcomers arrived in droves, cash in tow, in Honduras, Nicaragua and especially the Dominican Republic, hoping to make a quick profit on the boom. New factories appeared across the Dominican Republic, hiring away talented cigarmakers. Some factories ran double shifts to keep up with demand, and it became a battle to find tobacco, cellophane, cedar boxes—everything used to make a premium cigar. Tobacco companies planted seeds in such unlikely places as Peru, Colombia, Panama, even Canada, and cigar factories opened in Indonesia, Ecuador and elsewhere. The once enemic industry tradeshow expanded from a few dozen booths to hundreds, and some enterprising attendees went so far as to sell their badges to those hoping to get inside. There were more than a few quirky market launches, among them cigar vending machines (created by two separate companies in 1997) and a line of cigars aimed at female cigar lovers called Cleopatra, which never quite got out of the planning stages.

Cigar sales had grown at an untenable pace. It was 1997 when the cigar industry started to catch up to the demand for cigars. The established companies began filling all the back orders for traditional cigar brands, a number that turned out to be inflated as cigar retailers had over-ordered through the boom, asking for 10 boxes, say, in hopes of receiving five. As the old-time brand names filled up the distribution chain, most of the newcomers found themselves in a pinch.

When the big-name brands caught up with demand, many of the cigars without pedigree no longer interested cigar lovers. By 1998, the discount retailers were buying up unwanted cigars from new manufacturers who suddenly found themselves without customers. Mark Goldman of House of Oxford Distributors set up a table in the Gran Almirante Hotel in Santiago in 1998 and bought cigars that had once retailed for $200 a box for as little as $7. “Basically, we’ve been buying cigars for less than it costs to make them,” he said at the time.

Imports dipped as the market struggled to absorb all the cigars that had been made in the dizzying, final days of the cigar boom, falling to 248.3 million cigars in 1999. At the same time, the Wall Street love affair with cigars came to an end. (The cigar industry is a long-term business, in which tobacco bought today might not be sold for two or more years—a poor match for the stock market, which seeks gains in every quarter.) Swisher bought back its stock in 1999, JR Cigar went private the following year and Holt’s followed suit in 2001.

Europe’s Tabacalera S.A. had bought heavily in the U.S. cigar industry, investing at the very peak of the market. The company spent more than $350 million on three deals, including an eye-popping $27 million on two Central American factories owned by Nestor Plasencia. When the market began to cool, the European influence grew. In 1999, France’s SEITA S.A. acquired Consolidated Cigar for $730 million. SEITA merged later that year with Tabacalera in a $3.3 billion deal that created Altadis, which then bought half of Cuba’s Habanos S.A., and was itself acquired by Imperial Tobacco PLC.
Altadis rival Swedish Match AB, which bought the La Gloria Cubana brand in 1997, acquired General Cigar in a two-part deal beginning in 1999.

With the cigar market undergoing radical change, the industry was remade. In 2000, General Cigar closed its Jamaica factory, ending some 30 years of history and putting an end to Jamaica’s era as a cigar-industry power (it had ranked third among major shippers in the early 1990s). Cigar shipments from Mexico, also once vibrant, have shrunk yearly, from 11 million in 1998 to fewer than 1 million last year. Nicaragua is the new star of the cigar world, with shipments growing continuously since 2003. The nation’s cigars, once embargoed in the U.S. market, have soared from 33 million in 2003 to 102 million last year, vaulting to second place among premium cigar producers. The shift is a sign of the changing tastes of
connoisseurs, who are flocking to the fuller flavors of Nicaraguan tobacco.

Cigar imports have since recovered from the post-boom years. In 2001, they began to climb again—albeit at a far slower rate— and between that year and 2011 imports have increased by an average of six percent annually, with more than 278 million cigars imported last year—approaching three times the size of the cigar market in 1992, on a unit basis.

Today, the myriad companies that make, market, distribute and retail cigars worry not about who will buy their cigars, but if the government will cripple the industry with over regulation and taxes. The possibility that the Food and Drug Administration will slap restrictions on the industry, increasingly higher taxes and fewer and fewer cigar-friendly venues are the worries of the moment, and some fear that the government could ruin the cigar business.

But the legacy of the cigar boom can be seen in the heir apparents to some of the world’s most famous cigar brands.
Children of cigarmakers, who had nearly forsaken their birthrights in the industry, were once again emboldened to join their parents. Today the cigar business is rich with father/son, father/daughter, brother/brother and brother/sister teams, including the Fuentes, Padróns, Quesadas, Eiroas, Garcias, Patels, Levins, Kelners, Newmans, Plasencias, Turrents, two Oliva families (one growing leaf, one making cigars) and many more. Charlie Toraño abandoned his law practice and joined his father in 1996, and today is president of the company, becoming the fourth generation in his family in the tobacco business.

Today Quesada proudly sits at the helm of MATASA, albeit in a new, far larger and more modern cigar factory, with his two daughters, Raquel and Patricia, taking an increasingly active role in the company, along with a number of nephews, nieces and cousins. They make blends using leaves that weren’t grown in the 1980s, package the cigars in vibrant boxes with modern logos and use their Blackberries to tweet about the products to cigar lovers around the world.

Twenty years ago, cigarmakers toiled in obscurity in a business that few felt had any future. “Nobody knew who was behind the products,” says retailer Gary Pesh. Today, cigarmakers are stars, similar to celebrity chefs. And while cigar sales today aren’t nearly as vibrant as they were during the peak of the boom, the cigar market is far larger today than it was before the boom. Premium cigar imports in 2011 (the last full year available) were 278.5 million cigars, well more than two-and-a-half times their level in 1991, when only 103.6 million cigars were imported.

While the market for cigars is far larger on a unit scale, the impact of the past 20 years is far more pronounced when you look at the overall value of the market. The average price for a premium cigar in 1990 was $1.75, according to Cigar Insider estimates, giving the U.S. premium cigar industry a market value of $186 million. The average price of a cigar rose to $3.23 by 1996, giving the market a value of close to $1 billion.

Today, cigar prices have pushed even higher. While there are bargains to be found, most lie in the $5 to $7 range. Many cigars sell for around $10, and special cigars push the upper limits of premium cigar pricing to $25, $30 and more per cigar.
The average retail price of a premium cigar rated by either Cigar Aficionado or Cigar Insider in 2012 is $9.51. At that average price, the U.S. premium cigar market would have a value of $2.6 billion—14 times the value of the annual market in 1990.

The cigar world has been completely, unforgettably transformed. Cigarmakers work alongside their sons and daughters, and no one who makes a cigar in 2012 worries that consumers down the road will lose interest in their product.

“Thank God for the cigar boom,” says Carlos Fuente Jr., one of the icons of the cigar business. “For the first time in history, tobacco farmers, tobacco dealers, people who own smoke shops were all able to make a decent living.”


Erkennings

This article was supported in part by a grant from the Flight Attendant Medical Research Institute and by the Institute on Medicine as a Profession and the American Legacy Foundation.

Parts of this essay appear in different form in my book The Cigarette Century: The Rise, Fall, and Deadly Persistence of the Product That Defined America (New York: Basic Books, 2007).

I am grateful to participants of the November 2009 Drug, Alcohol, Food, and Tobacco Symposium for their insightful comments on an earlier version of this article.


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