Latino, Hispanic, Latinx, Chicano: die geskiedenis agter die bepalings

Latino, Hispanic, Latinx, Chicano: die geskiedenis agter die bepalings



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Die terme Latino, Hispanic en Latinx word dikwels uitruilbaar gebruik om 'n groep te beskryf wat ongeveer 18 persent van die Amerikaanse bevolking uitmaak. Alhoewel dit nou algemeen is om sambreelterme te gebruik om diegene met bande met meer as 20 Latyns -Amerikaanse lande te kategoriseer, het hierdie woorde nie altyd 'n gemeenskapsgevoel by die mense wat dit veronderstel is om te beskryf, gekweek nie.

Voordat aktiviste, die media en regeringsamptenare gewerk het om hierdie identiteite in een te groepeer, is dit as afsonderlik beskou. Puerto Ricane en Mexikane het byvoorbeeld in verskillende dele van die land gewoon en hul eie politieke en kulturele identiteit gehad.

Maar solank daar mense uit Latyns -Amerikaanse lande in die Verenigde State was, was daar woorde om dit te beskryf. Sommige het uit die guns geval, terwyl ander ontwikkel het. En baie van hulle het 'n so ingewikkelde geskiedenis as om verskeie nasionaliteite onder een vaandel te probeer verenig.

LEES MEER: Spaanse erfenis: volledige dekking

'Spaanse' help om gemeenskappe te verenig, agenda

Die eerste keer dat die federale regering die woord Hispanic in 'n sensus gebruik het, was 1980. Die voorkoms van die term was te wyte aan dekades van lobbying. "Dit het die debatte van die 1970's, die protes van die laat 1960's nodig om ons by 1980 te bring," verduidelik G. Cristina Mora, 'n professor in sosiologie aan UC Berkeley en skrywer van Spaanse maak: hoe aktiviste, burokrate en media 'n nuwe Amerikaner gebou het.

Voor 1980 word diegene van Latyns-Amerikaanse afkoms as Spaanse sprekers beskou, met Spaanse oorsprong of wit by die sensus. Laasgenoemde het Mexiko-Amerikaanse aktiviste gefrustreer omdat hulle geen data gehad het om te bewys dat hul gemeenskappe hulpbronne benodig vir programme, soos werkopleiding nie. Die Nasionale Raad van La Raza, vandag bekend as UnidosUS, het daartoe gelei dat die sensusburo die lobby gebruik om die manier waarop dit Latino's gekategoriseer het, te verenig en Puerto Ricane en Mexikane te verenig om ''n Spaanse agenda uit te haal'.

'In die laat 1960's en vroeë 1970's, aangesien mense in die Sensusburo en burokrate in die Nixon-administrasie gedink het oor wat hierdie nuwe groep sou heet, het Hispanic 'n term geword wat mense gedink het waarskynlik bekend sou wees omdat dit gekoppel was aan hispano, ”Sê Mora. 'Maar Spaans was nuttig, want dit lyk meer Amerikaans.'

Spaans verwys na dié uit Spanje en ander Spaanse sprekende lande, wat Brasiliane uitsluit. Grace Flores-Hughes, wat as sekretaris gewerk het in die destydse Departement van Gesondheid, Onderwys en Welsyn, het gesê dat sy die term geskep het. Soos Mora verduidelik, is dit egter moontlik dat Hispanic voorheen in gebruik was.

Alhoewel 1980 'n mylpaal was, het hierdie pan-etniese term eers in die 1990's werklik ingehaal. Teen daardie tyd was daar twee rondtes sensusse en die media, veral Univision en Telemundo, het gehelp om hierdie gemeenskappe te verenig.

"Dit was nie net aktiviste nie, en dit was nie net burokrate nie," sê Mora. 'Dit was sekere figure soos Telemundo, Univision, wat 'n groot belang gehad het om hul gehore regoor die land te verbind en dat hierdie gehore regoor die land hulself as een mark beskou.

'Latino' as alternatief vir 'Spaans'

Alhoewel Spaans nuttig kan wees, is die term gekritiseer omdat dit Spanje, wat 'n groot deel van Latyns -Amerika gekoloniseer het, beklemtoon het. Sommige het 'Latino' as 'n alternatief aangebied. Hierdie term verwys na dié uit Latyns -Amerika, wat beteken dat dit Brasilië insluit, maar nie Spanje nie.

Die woord het lank voor die 1960's bestaan. Maar Ramón A. Gutiérrez, 'n professor van Preston en Sterling Morton Distinguished Service in die geskiedenis van die Verenigde State aan die Universiteit van Chicago, verduidelik dat dit voorheen 'n Spaanse taal was wat van Latino -Amerika, wat die Colombiaanse skrywer José María Torres Caicedo gehelp het om gewild te maak.

'Latino is 'n afkorting van Latyns Amerikaans," hy sê. "En dit is die gevolg van wat tussen 1808 en 1821 gebeur namate die Latyns -Amerikaanse lande onafhanklik word."

In die tweede helfte van die 19de eeu het die verkorte woorde “hispano"En"Latino”Was in Kalifornië onder Spaanse sprekers gebruik, maar uiteindelik het ander terme dit vervang. Teen 1920 het hulle 'feitlik verdwyn', skryf Gutiérrez.

Die term Latino verskyn geleidelik weer in Engels, wat in boeke verskyn en selfs in 'n 1970-dagboekinskrywing van die Withuis deur Claudia "Lady Bird" Johnson. In 'n ander vroeë voorbeeld beskryf 'n uitgawe van die Black Panther Party -koerant van 17 Maart 1973 'n program wat opgestel is deur 'n "aksiegroep wat uit swartes, Latino's en blankes bestaan". Teen 2000 was Latino by die sensus met die vraag: 'Is hierdie persoon Spaans/Spaans/Latino?'

Alhoewel Latino die verband met Spanje beklemtoon het, het sommige die term steeds verwerp omdat dit probeer het om verskillende kulture in een groep te groepeer. Byvoorbeeld, 'n gewilde bufferplakker wat verklaar: "Don't Call Me Hispanic, I'm Cuban!" volgens Mora in die vroeë 1990's in Miami versprei het. In baie gevalle het diegene wat nie as Spaans of Latino wou identifiseer nie, die nasionaliteit gekies.

Volgens 'n studie van Pew Research Center 2013, beskryf slegs een uit elke vyf respondente hulself as Spaans of Latyns. Intussen het 54 persent 'hul Spaanse oorsprongsterm van hul gesin (soos Mexikaanse, Kubaanse Salvadoraanse) gebruik om hulself te identifiseer' en 23 persent het 'Amerikaans' die algemeenste gebruik.

Sommige Mexikaanse Amerikaners omhels 'Chicano'

Vir sommige Meksikane wat Latino en Hispanic vermy het, beteken dit dat ons na die woord "Chicano" moet gaan.

Daar is 'n paar teorieë oor die oorsprong van Chicano, insluitend dat dit vandaan kom Mexiko (uitgespreek meshicano), 'n woord wat sommige "groepe Nahuas (inheemse sprekers van Nahuatl) hul taal begin noem het", skryf David Bowles, 'n skrywer en professor aan die Universiteit van Texas Rio Grande Valley.

'N Ander moontlikheid is dat Chicano die gevolg is van skynheiligheid. 'Dit gebruik basies babataal,' sê Bowles. 'As u dink aan byname, Spaanse byname, as u Ignacio is, word u' Nacho 'genoem. Graciela word u' Chela 'genoem. Dit is moontlik dat dit 'n soort skynheiligheid kan wees agter die verandering van mexicano na Chicano - 'n speelse ding. "

Een van die eerste vermeldings van Chicano in druk is in die Spaanse taalkoerant La Crónica in 1911, waar dit gebruik is as 'n smaad teen 'minder gekweekte' Mexikaanse Amerikaners en onlangse immigrante. Maar teen die 1960's het die woord verander. Alhoewel nie elke Mexikaanse of Mexikaanse Amerikaner die term sou gebruik nie, het dit sterk geword, ook onder Mexikaanse Amerikaners wat vir burgerregte geveg het.

'Omdat die woord destyds gereeld gebruik is', sê Bowles, 'was dit 'n manier om die onduidelikheid terug te kry en dit vir 'n politieke Latinx -identiteit te gebruik.'

'Latinx' kom voor as geslagsneutrale term

Spaans is 'n geslagtelike taal. As daar 'n groep bestaan ​​wat uit vroue bestaan, kan dit beskryf word as 'ellas'. As daar 'n groep met mans en vroue is, is dit standaard die manlike (ellos in plaas van ellas). Die woord "Latino" volg hierdie konvensie en noem selfstandige naamwoorde as manlik of vroulik. Vir diegene wat buite die geslagsbinair val, verteenwoordig hierdie woord dit nie, en dit is waar die geslagsneutrale "Latinx" ter sprake kom.

Net soos die ander woorde wat gebruik word om dié van Latyns -Amerikaanse afkoms te beskryf, het Latinx 'n mate van terugslag ondervind - van argumente wat dit moeilik is om aan die Real Academia Española uit te spreek, het die instelling die taak om die konsekwentheid van die Spaanse taal te behou en gesê dat dit onnodig is. Sommige het selfs aangevoer dat blankes nie-Latino die woord aan Latino's afdwing.

Bowles argumenteer teen hierdie idee. 'Wit mense het nie Latinx opgemaak nie,' sê hy. 'Dit was vreemde Latinx -mense ... Dit is hulle wat die woord gebruik het. Ons klein subgroep van die gemeenskap het dit geskep. Dit is geskep deur Engelssprekende Amerikaanse Latinx-mense vir gebruik in Engelse gesprekke. ”

Alhoewel dit onduidelik is wanneer of hoe dit begin het, is dit meestal gekoppel aan die vroeë 2000's, en dit verskyn na berig word op Google Trends in 2004. Daar is 'n paar moontlikhede oor hoe die woord ontstaan ​​het. Een teorie is dat Latyns -Amerikaanse protes die woord geïnspireer het. Van die sewentigerjare tot die negentigerjare, soos feministe protesteer, sou hulle die woorde wat op "OS" eindig, uitvee om "visueel ... die idee te verwerp dat die standaard manlik is", sê Bowles. Dit kon ook 'n knik gewees het vir die gebruik van X tydens die Burgerregtebeweging in die Verenigde State.

Ondanks dat die Pew Research Center in Augustus 2020 bevind het dat slegs 3 persent van die Latino's Latinx gebruik, is dit 'n term wat in die 2010's en tot 2020 momentum gekry het, op TV -programme en in die politiek.


Kommentaar: Die geskiedenis agter die debat oor 'Chicano' en ander etikette strek tot 1848

Wat is die verskil tussen Chicano, Latino, Mexikaanse Amerikaner, Hispanic, Chicanx of Latinx?

Histories bly die vraag na identifikasie vir Mexikane wat in die VSA agtergebly het nadat die oorlog tussen Amerika en Mexiko in 1848 geëindig het oor wie ons is en hoe ons onsself identifiseer tot op hede 'n 'probleem' of 'probleem' van die generasie. Na 173 jaar bly Chicanos 'n verowerde, gekoloniseerde, besette, gejagde en magtelose mense as gevolg van hierdie onopgeloste 'probleem' of 'probleem'.

Meksikane, wat manifesteer in die Verdrag van Guadalupe Hidalgo, is vreemdelinge in hul land gemaak, met duisende babas en kinders in die gevangenis, 'n grensmuur, immigrasie -aanvalle en meer Mexikaanse jeugdiges in gevangenisse as kolleges. Toestande wat ontstaan ​​deur dekades van institusionele rassisme, diskriminasie en geweld teen Chicanos en Mexikane, het Chicanos van hul geskiedenis, taal en kultuur gestroop deur die politieke taktiek van verdeeldheid en oorwinning.

Ons bied hierdie platform gratis vir kommentaar op die gemeenskap. Dankie aan al die Union-Tribune-intekenare wie se ondersteuning ons joernalistiek moontlik maak. As u nie 'n intekenaar is nie, kan u dit vandag oorweeg om dit te word.

Die Bybel sê: "As 'n huis teen homself verdeeld is, sal daardie huis nie kan staan ​​nie." Die historiese vraag word dus: Hoe het ons as groep gegaan om ons as Mexikane te identifiseer tot 'n 'x'? Vir die eerste twee geslagte was identifikasie eenvoudig, maar gevaarlik. Mense was Mexikane, gebore en getoë in die destydse Mexiko. Geweld, onderdrukking, polisie-optrede, waaksaamheid en ophangings van Mexikane het staatsgesanksie dit gevaarlik gemaak. In die 1920's, na drie generasies van onderdrukking, kolonisasie, segregasie en sistemiese leerstellings dat Mexikaan die probleem was, het lede van 'n nuwe generasie hulself as "Latino's" gedefinieer, volgens my verkeerd. Dinge soos skole, die Engelse taal, militêre diens en openbare tekens met die vermelding "Geen Mexikane, N-s of honde toegelaat nie" het my verkeerde gevolgtrekking bevestig. Na dekades hiervan kon "Latino's" niemand behalwe hulself mislei nie. Toe breek die Tweede Wêreldoorlog in 1940 uit.

Wit konsepborde het Mexikane begin opstel vir die oorlogspoging en Mexikane begin definieer met die afkorting "Mexikaans-Amerikaans." Die rede? Wit konsepborde het veral in Texas geweier om die nasionaliteit van Mexikane as Amerikaners te druk, wat in die geskeide Verenigde State White beteken. Vyf en twintig jaar later, in die middel van die 1960's, het die kinders van Mexikaanse Amerikaners hulself as Chicanos geïdentifiseer. Om die oproep van die groeiende Chicano-beweging tot selfbeskikking teë te werk, het die Amerikaanse regering in 1970 'n etiket met een skoen opgelê deur Mexikane as Hispanics te definieer, saam met Kubane, Puerto Ricane en Sentraal- en Suid-Amerikaners.

Vandag het onsinnige definisies na vore gekom van wit-beheerde kolleges, betaalde akademici en professore wat naïewe studente mislei het om Raza as Chicanx en Latinx te identifiseer. Waarom dan Chicano in plaas van ander etikette vir gedefinieerde groepe? Vir my is daar talle redes, waaronder geskiedenis, selfbeskikking, historiese stryd, selfrespek en pogings tot identifikasie gebaseer op ons inheemse geskiedenis, taal en kultuur. Soos die ou gesegde lui: hy wat beheer bepaal. Dit word gemanifesteer deur Latino, Mexikaans -Amerikaans, Spaans, Chicanx en Latinx wat deur die Blanke politieke stelsel gedefinieer word om mense te beheer.

'N Ander praktyk om Chicanas en Chicanos te definieer, was om die naam van 'n kind te verander. 'My naam was Ramón toe ek met die kleuterskool begin het, maar teen die derde graad het almal my' Raymond 'genoem,' het die groot Chicano 'Chunky' Sanchez in sy liedjie 'Pocho' gesing. Stelselmatig was hierdie verandering van ons name die manier van die Wit stelsel om te bepaal wie u is, wat u geleer het en wat u gaan wees. In New Mexico het ek as kind die rampspoedige gevolge van verdeeldheid en oorwinning aanskou: mense identifiseer hulself as Spanjaarde, Hispanos, Latino's, Mexikaanse Amerikaners, Mexikane en ander terme. Ironies genoeg was hul name, kos en musiek Mexikaanse, maar as gevolg van die verdeeldheid het die een groep nie met die ander gepraat nie.

Die grootste verskil tussen Chicanos en die ander gedefinieerde groepe, wat vandag voortduur, is wie die historiese kwessies aangespreek het sedert 1519 (toe Hernan Cortés Mexiko verower het) wat Chicanos en Mexikane geteister het en vooruitgang en geleenthede vir ons mense geskep het. 'Latino's', wie se agenda vir meer as 20 jaar was om te bewys dat hulle wit is? 'Mexikaanse Amerikaners' wat nie op wit begraafplase begrawe kon word nadat hulle die Medal of Honor gewen het nie? 'Hispanics' wat gedwing is om die naam van die voorspraakorganisasie National Council of La Raza na UnidosUS te verander omdat La Raza vir rassiste onaanvaarbaar was? “Chicanx” en “Latinx” wat die geskiedenis hersien het deur Chicano en Aztlán uit te roei, net soos met die naam van die studentegroep MEChA?

Soos die Chicano -historikus Rodolfo "Rudy" Acuña geskryf het, bevorder organisatoriese naamsveranderinge nie die bou van 'n beweging nie. Hy skryf oor die naamsverandering van MEChA, "Dit word nie gedoen deur die geskiedenis van Chicanas/os, Aztlán, uit te wis en die verlede te herskryf nie."

Die Chicano -beweging het die deure van geleenthede oopgemaak, Chicano Park- en Chicano -studies geskep en leiers opgelewer wat historiese kwessies soos Cesar Chavez vir plaaswerkers, Humberto Corona vir immigrasie, Reis Lopes Tijerina vir grond, Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales vir Aztlán aangespreek het en José Ángel Gutiérrez vir La Raza Unida Party.

Dit laat jong mense die vraag: wat het Latino's, Mexikaanse Amerikaners, Hispanics, Chicanx en Latinx gedoen, behalwe om voordeel te trek uit die Chicano -stryd?

Baca is 'n jarelange gemeenskapsaktivis en president van die Committee on Chicano Rights. Hy woon in National City.


Latynse erfenis

Lees meer oor 'n paar van ons pogings om uitreik en bewaring in Latinx -gemeenskappe aan die oostekant en verder te bekom.

Die Mexikaanse nedersetting van die twintigste eeu in die Eastside kan teruggevoer word na die 1910's en 1920's, gedurende 'n tydperk van vinnige industriële ontwikkeling in die gebied wat bekend staan ​​as Sonoratown in die stad Los Angeles.

Werkers wat in Sonoratown woon, die tradisionele barrio geleë naby die sentrum van El Pueblo, net oos van die stadsgrense verhuis na die nuutgestigte gemeenskap van Belvedere, getrek deur die beskikbaarheid van goedkoop behuising en nuwe werksgeleenthede.

Die Mexikaanse rewolusie van 1910 het ook die ontwikkeling van die gebied aangedryf, aangesien duisende Mexikane na die konflik na Los Angeles geïmmigreer het. In die dekades na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het die Eastside oorwegend Latinx geword namate ander gemeenskappe na die groeiende voorstede van die stad verhuis het.

Plekke soos die Boyle Hotel, Our Lady of Solitude, Wyvernwood Garden Apartments en die Maravilla -handbalbaan toon die unieke karakter wat hierdie jarelange gemeenskap na die Eastside gebring het. Binne die nie -ingelyfde Oos -Los Angeles het mettertyd verskeie verskillende buurte, waaronder Maravilla, Belvedere en City Terrace, ontstaan, elk met 'n unieke kulturele identiteit.

Benewens aansienlike bevolkingsverskuiwings, was die Eastside die agtergrond vir die opkoms van 'n belangrike versetbeweging in die naoorlogse era.

In die 1960's het aktiviste georganiseer om te protesteer oor wydverspreide sosiale diskriminasie teen Mexikaanse Amerikaners in wat die Chicano -beweging genoem sou word. In 1968 het studente en onderwysers van die hoërskole in Los Angeles 'n reeks protesoptredes uitgevoer, bekend as die East Los Angeles Walkouts of die Chicano Blowouts, wat grootliks gefokus het op opvoedkundige ongelykheid in plaaslike skole, maar ook daarop gemik was om aandag te vestig op ander beperkings op inwoners se burgerregte.

'N Definitiewe oomblik in die Latinx -geskiedenis van die Eastside was die Chicano Moratorium van 1970.

Na dekades van diskriminasie, 'n toename in polisie -brutaliteit en frustrasie oor die onevenredige aantal Mexikaanse Amerikaanse soldate wat in die Viëtnam -oorlog sterf, het Chicanxs in Los Angeles die Chicano Moratorium gereël as deel van 'n nasionale beweging om die oorlog te protesteer en vir sosiale geregtigheid te pleit. Tuis.

Tussen 20 000 en 30 000 mense het deelgeneem aan die vreedsame demonstrasie wat op 29 Augustus 1970 in Oos -Los Angeles plaasgevind het. Die Chicano Moratorium begin by Belvedere Park en volg 'n roete langs Atlantic en Whittier Boulevards, eindig met 'n saamtrek by Laguna Park.

Na berigte oor 'n voorval wat nie verband hou met die Moratorium in 'n nabygeleë drankwinkel nie, het geweld tussen wetstoepassers en betogers ontstaan, wat uiteindelik tot die dood van drie mense gelei het, onder wie Ruben Salazar. Salazar, 'n bekende Chicano -joernalis vir die Los Angeles Times, is in die Silver Dollar Bar and Café vermoor deur die adjunk van die balju in Los Angeles.

'N Maand na die Moratorium is Laguna Park herdoop tot "Ruben F. Salazar Park" ter ere van die verslaggewer, wat die eerste in die gewone Amerikaanse media was om te skryf oor die sosiale onrus in die Chicanx -gemeenskap. 'N Nuwe gedenkplaat met inligting oor Salazar se lewe is op 29 Augustus 2014 in Salazar Park onthul, 'n poging onder leiding van die kantoor van die provinsiale toesighouer, Gloria Molina, in samewerking met gemeenskapsaktiviste.

Die Eastside het lankal 'n lewendige Latyns -kulturele toneel bevorder wat sy historiese plekke vandag nog lewendig maak.

Webwerwe soos die Self Help Graphics and Art -gebou, Estrada Courts en El Mercado bevat die artistieke bewegings en rituele wat East Los Angeles en Boyle Heights tot vandag toe definieer. Die gebied was dekades lank die episentrum van die muralisme van Chicanx in Los Angeles, met duisende muurskilderye wat hulde bring aan die erfenis van die gemeenskap en die plaaslike bevolking bemagtig deur verhale oor stryd en triomf.

Die Chicanx -rock -toneel het die ervarings van die barrio -lewe na 'n breë gehoor gebring met die opkoms van Eastside -bands soos Cannibal and the Headhunters en Los Lobos. Tallose kulturele tradisies, waaronder die jaarlikse optog ter ere van Our Lady of Guadalupe in die Soledad -kerk, gaan vandag voort.

Let wel: Die Conservancy gebruik die terme "Latinx" en "Chicanx" as geslagsneutrale alternatiewe vir Latina/o, [email protected], ens. Alhoewel ons erken dat verskillende mense en gemeenskappe hulself op verskillende maniere identifiseer, is "Latinx" en "Chicanx" veld wen in ons kulturele diskoers as 'n manier om mense te erken en te respekteer wat transgender, queer of geslagsvloeibaar of nie-nakomend is.

Hierdie terme is moontlik nie altyd toepaslik by die beskrywing van mense en gebeure in die verlede nie (byvoorbeeld Chicano Moratorium), maar ons neem dit in ons woordeskat op as deel van ons verbintenis tot insluiting. Lees meer oor hierdie 'lingusitiese revolusie' by die Huffington Post & gt & gt


Die term Spaans ( hispano of hispánico ) kan gebruik word om te verwys na iemand uit Spanje, Portugal, Brasilië of die Spaanssprekende lande van Latyns-Amerika, sowel as na mense van Spaanse afkoms (mense met ouers, grootouers, ens. wat Spaans is).

  • In die Verenigde State word die term Hispanic meestal gebruik om na iemand uit Latyns -Amerika (Kuba, Puerto Rico, die Dominikaanse Republiek, Mexiko en Sentraal- en Suid -Amerika) te verwys.

Die terme Spaans en Latyns word deur sommige mense as verwisselbaar beskou, dus moenie verbaas wees as u dit as sinonieme gebruik nie.


Lees: Latino, Hispanic, Latinx, Chicano: die geskiedenis agter die bepalings

Hispanos & Latinos Unidos (HLU) is 'n groep studente wat verband hou met studente en organisasie leiers. HLU -lede is daartoe verbind om die bewustheid en kulturele impak van die Latinx -studentegemeenskap te verhoog deur middel van opvoeding, programme en uitruil van idees. Boonop spreek HLU kwessies aan van onderlinge kommer en uitdagings wat die Latinx -studentegemeenskappe in die gesig staar.

Spaanse erfenismaand

15 September - 15 Oktober is die Nasionale Spaanse Erfenismaand. OIR eer en bevorder hierdie nasionale viering deur geleenthede te skeduleer om die uiteenlopende kulture, geskiedenis en impak van Spaanse en Latynse kulture te eer.

Adelante

Aandete aangebied deur OIR, Hispanic & amp Latino Association, Latino Student Alliance Wepa en Multicultural Greek Council nooi Latynse studente en familielede/vriende uit. Alumni deel hul ervarings as monarge en studenteleiers. Studente -organisasies van Latinx bied inligtingstabel en hulpbronne aan.

Latinx Mentorskapverbinding

Om die sukses en behoud van studente te bevorder, nooi Hispanic & amp Latino Employee Association en OIR u uit om by ons mentorskapprogram aan te sluit om by 'n ODU Latinx -fakulteit of administrateur aan te pas.

Latinx Cultures Mane Hub -verbinding

Ontspan en of studeer in die Latinx Cultures Mane Hub -ruimte in die Webb -sentrum naby die metro -eetplek


Spaans? Chicano? Latinx? Wat in 'n naam?

Wat presies beteken 'Spaans'? Op wie is die term van toepassing? Sou 'Latino' verkieslik wees? Wat van 'Mexikaanse Amerikaner' of 'Chicano'?

Palo Alto College het in September en Oktober platicas gehou, of gesprekke om Erfenismaand op die kampus te herdenk. Een platika fokus op die verskillende identifiserende terme wat onder Latino en Spaanse bevolkings gebruik word.

Norma Cantú is 'n folkloris, digter, skrywer en professor in die geesteswetenskappe, moderne tale en letterkunde aan die Trinity University.

As 'n gegradueerde in Lincoln, Nebraska, in die sewentigerjare, het sy die taak gekry om met onderwysers te praat oor kulturele aanvaarding nadat hulle 'n toestroming van Viëtnamese immigrante ondervind het.

'Op een plek stel die superintendent my voor as' Spaans ', het Cantú gesê. 'Ek kom uit Laredo, Texas. Ek is nog nooit Spaans genoem nie. Ek is moontlik 'Mexikaans-Amerikaans' genoem. Miskien op 'n stadium 'Tejana.' Maar nooit as Spaans nie. "

'Ek het gevra:' Waarom het u my as Spaans voorgestel? ', Onthou Cantú. 'Toe sê die man vir my:' Ek wou jou nie beledig deur jou Mexikaan te noem nie. '

Dit het haar kwaad gemaak. Die superintendent het Cantú gevra wat sy verkies om genoem te word. 'En vir die eerste keer in my lewe,' het ek gesê, 'ek is 'n Chicana.'

'Chicano' en 'Chicana' is gelaaide woorde. Dit beteken dat dit verband hou met politieke aktivisme.

Ons hoor nou nuwer etikette. 'Hispanic' en 'Latino' is algemeen gebruik. Nou hoor ons 'Latinx' en 'Xicanx'.

Die X impliseer geslagsneutraliteit. Geslag weeg swaar in die Spaanse taal - "El Chicano, La Chicana." Die meeste woorde impliseer 'n geslag.

Maria López De León, uitvoerende direkteur van die National Association of Latino Arts & Cultures (NALAC), het gesê haar organisasie neig na "Latinx", hoewel sy haarself as 'n Chicana beskou.

"Die idee dat jy gestraf word, of dat jy anders word, net omdat jy anders lyk, net omdat jy 'n ander taal praat, is iets wat my regtig gedwing het om myself 'n Chicana te noem," het De León gesê. 'Dit was meer as net my erfenis, maar dit het gegaan oor my posisie oor beleid en 'n advokaat en 'n stem om by baie ander stemme in ons gemeenskap aan te sluit.

Student Andrew Salinas het homself 'n verkleurmannetjie genoem. Hy is die president van Palo Alto College SomosMAS, 'n studente -organisasie wat burgerlike betrokkenheid bevorder.

Salinas het gesê dat sy identifiserende woord na gelang van sy gehoor verander.

'In sommige kringe voel ek nie gemaklik om Latinx te sê nie,' sê Salinas, wat openlik gay is. 'Soos ons almal weet, is dit nie regtig goed dat sommige mense binne die Latinx -gemeenskap openlik gay, lesbies, transgender, biseksueel is nie. Ek sal dit óf in 'n veilige ruimte gebruik, óf. om die vere 'n bietjie te ritsel. "

Die paneelbespreking was 'n Hispanic Heritage Month -geleentheid, maar die panellede het hulself nie Hispanic genoem nie.

Cantú het gesê dat die oorsprong van die woord gewig verleen aan die Europese Spaanse erfenis in Amerika.

'Daar bestaan ​​nie iets soos Spaanse kultuur nie,' beklemtoon Cantú. 'Ek is 'n folkloris. Ek studeer kultuur. Daar is nie een taal nie, daar is nie een kos nie, daar is nie een musiek nie. Dit is alles. Dit is baie anders as u dit op die hele Amerikas plaas. Vir my is 'Hispanic' 'n totale verkeerde benaming. Daar is nie so 'n woord nie. "

Selfs Palo Alto College het die woord "Spaans" uit hul herdenkings op die Spaanse erfenismaand gesny. Dit is die afgelope vyf jaar eenvoudig 'erfenismaand' genoem. 'N Naamsverandering is aan die gang.

Lori Beth Rodriguez, koördineerder van Mexikaanse Amerikaanse studies aan die Palo Alto College, het gesê dat sy haar as Latinx identifiseer.

'Baie mense verstaan ​​nie die' x 'nie,' het sy gesê. 'Dit is asof dit beteken dat ek 'n soort seksuele identiteit het? Nee. Dit is geslagsneutraal. Dit respekteer alle geslagsidentiteite. ”

Rodriguez het gesê dat 'Latinx' 'n breër term is met verskeie kategorieë waaronder sy identifiseer.

'Ek is ook Tejana,' het sy gesê. 'Gebore en getoë in Suid -Texas, met my wortels geslagte terug. En Mexikaanse Amerikaner. En Chicana. Trotse Chicana. ChicanX. Dit is 'n lang lys. Al bogenoemde! Dit is my voorkeure. ”

En wat van diegene wat beweer dat ons koppelteken en etikette moet uitskakel en ons eenvoudig “Amerikaners” moet noem?

Cantú sê daar is geen of nie. Latino's is Amerikaans, het sy gesê, maar hulle kan ook Chicano/a en inheems wees.

'Veral inheemse Amerikaners,' het Cantú gesê. 'Hulle is die ware Amerikaners.'


Om in die deurmekaar geskiedenis van Latynx ” te delf, het my gehelp om my komplekse identiteit te omhels

John Paul Brammer

In Junie 2016 het 'n Moslem -Amerikaanse man tydens die weeklikse Latin Night in Orlando se Pulse -nagklub ingegaan en 49 mense doodgeskiet, waarvan die meeste gay of biseksueel was. In die duiselingwekkende nagevolge van die tragedie is ek aangestel om 'n meningstuk te skryf HuffPost oor hoe die destydse presidentskandidaat Donald Trump die voorval gebruik het om Islamofobie op te vrolik. Terwyl ek oor nuusberigte kyk, spring 'n woord van die bladsy af: 'Latinx', word uitgespreek la-TEEN-eks, 'n geslagsneutrale manier om mense van Latyns-Amerikaanse erfenis te beskryf. As 'n gay Mexikaanse Amerikaner skryf ek gereeld oor LGBT- of Latino -kwessies. Maar dit was die seldsame geleentheid dat ek beide aspekte van my identiteit tegelyk moes aanspreek. Die woord het klonterig en wiskundig gelyk, die 'x' het die funksie van 'n algebraïese plekhouer aangeneem, en die teenwoordigheid daarvan het die prosa laat vloei. Ek het nie geweet hoe ek daaroor voel nie.

Ek was nie alleen om "Latinx" te ontdek nie as gevolg van Pulse. Google Trends toon 'n groot toename in soektogte na die term in die maand na die slagting. Sedertdien het die woord stoom gekry, veral onder vreemde aktiviste en studentegroepe. In September verdien dit 'n plek in die Merriam-Webster-woordeboek.

Op 'n manier is dit geen verrassing nie. Latino's is die grootste minderheidsgroep in die land, wat byna 'n vyfde van die Amerikaners uitmaak. En hulle identifiseer in groot hoeveelhede LGBT: 'n Opname in Junie 2018 het bevind dat Latino -millennials die minste waarskynlike groep in hul generasie is wat hulself as reguit beskou. Maar die term “Latinx” word deur sommige beskou as belaglik, selfs belasterlik. En ten beste is dit ongelyk aangeneem. 'N November -verhaal in die New York Timesbyvoorbeeld, het die agt boeke 'die hervorming van Latynse literatuur' gelys. 'N Resensie in dieselfde publikasie - oor 'n boek genaamd Latinx—Verwys na die "Latino -gemeenskap" en "Latino's" en "Latina." Volgens die redakteur Concepción de León gebruik die koerant die geval van geval tot geval, aangesien gesprekke oor die term en die gebruik daarvan steeds ontwikkel. (Moeder Jones doen sy bes om 'n individu se voorkeur te eerbiedig.)

Om te verstaan ​​waar 'Latinx' - en die debat daaroor - vandaan kom, help dit om 'n bietjie geskiedenis te ken oor die woord 'Latino'. Die Chicano-skrywer David Bowles, wat letterkunde aan die Universiteit van Texas-Rio Grande Valley doseer, het dit in 'n draad op Twitter uiteengesit: Die deel van die Amerikas wat deur die Spaanse Ryk gekoloniseer is, was histories bekend as die Monarquía Hispánica, of die Spaanse monargie, omdat die Latynse woord vir Iberia (tuiste van die Spanjaarde) "Hispania" was. Toe hierdie gebiede uiteindelik hul onafhanklikheid van die Spaanse kroon wen, het hulle die tuiste geword van verskillende kulture wat gevorm is deur mestizaje, die vermenging van Europese, inheemse Amerikaanse, Afrikaanse en ander etnisiteite. Geleerdes spoor die term “América latina”Tot 1856, toe dit deur die Chileense skrywer Francisco Bilbao en die Colombiaanse José María Torres Caicedo gebruik is. Vir hierdie denkers het die frase gehelp om die suidelike streke onder die Verenigde State te verenig in anti-imperialistiese sentiment.

In die 1980's het die Amerikaanse sensusburo 'n toestroming van Latyns -Amerikaanse immigrante begin tel deur die nuwe term 'Hispanic' te gebruik, wat hulle verbind deur taalkundige erfenis. Maar die term gee nie reg aan Portugese sprekende Brasiliane nie, en dit kan Spanjaarde insluit. In 2000 verskyn die woord 'Latino' op die sensus, en dit het sedertdien wydverspreide gebruik as 'n sambreelbegrip vir mense en gemeenskappe suid van die Amerikaanse grens.

Omdat Spaans een van die vele tale is wat byna alles 'n geslag toeskryf, is 'Latino' (manlik) gekoppel aan 'Latina' (vroulik). Aan die einde van die negentigerjare het mense wat gevoel het dat hulle nie in een van die twee beskrywers pas nie, begin soek na 'n meer inklusiewe beskrywing. "[email protected]" kom eers - 'n simbool wat die 'a' en die 'o' kombineer. Maar hoe spreek jy dit uit? Volgens Google Trends verskyn “Latinx” die eerste keer in 2004. Arlene Gamio, geleerde van die Princeton -universiteit, skrywer van Latinx: 'n kort gids, het gesê dat die woord 'kort daarna in gewildheid afgeneem het', maar ongeveer 10 jaar later weer verskyn het.

Deesdae kom 'Latinx' die meeste voor in verhale oor die LGBT -gemeenskap, en dit is dikwels om jongmense te beskryf, sê Brian Latimer, 'n medeprodusent by MSNBC wat hom as nie -binair beskryf. 'Ek dink dit is fassinerend - dit toon 'n generasie -skeiding in die Spaanse gemeenskap,' sê Latimer. En hoewel dit in Latyns -Amerika lig gesprekke gevoer het, is dit die meeste verdedig deur mense van Latyns -Amerikaanse afkoms wat in die Verenigde State woon, 'n feit wat die terugslag daarteen gekleur het.

In November 2015 het die Phoenix, Swarthmore College’s student newspaper, published a widely shared rebuke of the term. Student authors Gilbert Guerra and Gilbert Orbea described “Latinx” as a “blatant form of linguistic imperialism”—and claimed it was an attempt to force American ideals onto people living in Latin America because it wasn’t tailored to native Spanish speakers. Though the letter “x” in Spanish can take on a pronunciation similar to the English “x,” it can also take on an “s” sound, or an “h” sound, as with the Mexican state of Oaxaca. “By replacing o’s and a’s with x’s, the word ‘Latinx’ is rendered laughably incomprehensible to any Spanish speaker without some fluency in English,” they wrote. “It does not provide a gender-neutral alternative for Spanish-speaking non-binary individuals and thus excludes them.” (And even English speakers say everything from la-TEEN-ex aan LAT-in-ex aan la-TEENKS.)

Writer Hector Luis Alamo echoed the frustration in an opinion piece for the media outlet Latino Rebels titled “The X-ing of Language: The Case AGAINST ‘Latinx.’” Alamo, an Afro-Latino whose family hails from Honduras and who is the founder of Enclave magazine, argued that the term constitutes a “bulldozing of Spanish.” It’s “an academic word, and that group always thinks it knows what’s best for the rest of us,” Alamo told me via email. “Activists and people who want to appear liberal have adopted the word (and are calling out people for not using it).” It’s a critique that has also been leveled at terms like “cisgender” and “nonbinary”—all were devised and propagated by elite academic circles—but “Latinx” carries the added whiff of imperialism. “I want to caution everyone reading against the arrogant supposition that Latin Americans needed US Latinx folx to teach them that Spanish has sexist elements,” Bowles wrote in a Medium post in December. “They figured that shit out for themselves long before we did.”

Ed Morales, a lecturer at Columbia University’s Center for the Study of Ethnicity and Race and the author of the book Latinx: The New Force in American Politics and Culture, also resisted the word at first. But then he started to see it through a new lens. Queer scholar Gloria Anzaldúa, he notes, has written extensively on nepantla, a Nahuatl word that captures the concept of being caught between worlds. In haar boek Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza, Anzaldúa argues that the complex racial history of Latin America has created a unique mindset—a refusal to conform to racial and social binaries, and an identity based more on the mixing of cultures than on any one solid, static caste designation. “Latinx” is entirely in keeping with this tradition of mestizaje, Morales wrote in an email: “It occurred to me that refusal to conform to male/female gender binaries was parallel to the refusal to conform to a racial binary.”

María Scharrón-del Río, a professor at Brooklyn College who identifies as a genderqueer Puerto Rican, decided a few years ago to adopt the term. Whether it is loved or hated, Scharrón-del Río argues, the word at least makes readers think, and “thinking about something is the first step toward shifting anything that needs to be shifted.” When in doubt about whether to refer to someone as Latinx, just ask, suggests Princeton’s Gamio. That’s “the only way to know what to call someone or how to respect an individual’s identity.”

As the biracial son of Mexican immigrants, I have, at various stages of my life, described myself as Latino, Mexican American, Hispanic, and Chicano. None of these words ever felt quite right none of them painted the whole picture of how I see myself or how I want to be seen. I felt I had inherited a chaotic identity with too many facets language, race, geography—which one should win out? But mestizaje tells us it is precisely this struggle, the search for a cohesive identity, that defines us as a people. The “mixedness” is not a halfway state of being, but a complete state of being unto itself. I can think of no better extension of that sentiment than “Latinx,” a word that concedes to malleability, the “x” willing to become whatever it needs to be for the person who wears it.

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GUEST COMMENTARY: The History Behind the Debate Over ‘Chicano’ and Other Labels Goes as Far Back as 1848

What’s the difference between Chicano, Latino, Mexican American, Hispanic, Chicanx or Latinx?

Historically, the question of identification for Mexicans left in the U.S. after the U.S.-Mexico War ended in 1848 as to who we are and how we identify ourselves remains a generational “problem” or “issue,” to date.

After 173 years, Chicanos remain a conquered, colonized, occupied, hunted, and powerless people due to this unresolved “problem” or “issue.”

Manifested by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, Mexicans have been made strangers in their land, with thousands of babies and children incarcerated, a border wall, immigration raids, and more Mexican youth in prisons than colleges. Conditions created by decades of institutional racism, discrimination, and violence against Chicanos and Mexicans have stripped Chicanos of their history, language, and culture through the political tactics of divide and conquer.

The Bible states, “If a house is divided against itself, that house will not be able to stand.” So the historical question becomes: How did we as a group go from identifying as Mexicans to using an “x”?

For the first two generations, identification was simple, but dangerous. People were Mexicans, born and raised in and citizens of what was then Mexico. State-sanctioned violence, repression, police actions, vigilantism, and hangings of Mexicans made it dangerous.

In the 1920s, after three generations of oppression, colonization, segregation, and systemic teachings that being Mexican was the problem, members of a new generation defined themselves as “Latinos,” incorrectly, in my opinion. Things like schools, the English language, military service, and public signs stating “No Mexicans, N——s or dogs allowed” confirmed their incorrect conclusion for me. After decades of this, “Latinos” were unable to fool anyone except themselves.

Then World War II erupted in 1940.

White draft boards started to draft Mexicans for the war effort and began to define Mexicans with the hyphened label “Mexican-American.” The reason? White draft boards refused especially in Texas to print the nationality of Mexicans as Americans, which in the segregated U.S. meant White.

Twenty-five years later, in the mid-1960s, for the first time in U.S. history, the children of Mexican Americans identified themselves as Chicanos. To counter the growing Chicano movement’s call for self-determination, the U.S. government imposed in 1970 a one-shoe-fits-all label by defining Mexicans as Hispanics, along with Cubans, Puerto Ricans, and Central and South Americans.

Today, nonsensical definitions have surfaced from White-controlled colleges, paid academicians and professors who have misled naive students to identify Raza as Chicanx and Latinx.

So why “Chicano” instead of other labels for defined groups?

To me, there are numerous reasons, including history, self-determination, historical struggle, self-respect, and attempts at identification based on our Indigenous history, language, and culture. As the old saying goes, he who defines, controls. That is manifested by Latino, Mexican American, Hispanic, Chicanx, and Latinx being defined by the White political system to control people.

Another practice of defining Chicanas and Chicanos was changing a child’s name. “My name was Ramón when I started kindergarten, but by the third grade, everybody called me ‘Raymond,’” Chicano-great Ramón “Chunky” Sanchez sang in his song “Pocho.”

Systemically, this changing of our names was the White system’s way of dictating who you were, what you learned, and what you were going to be. In New Mexico, I witnessed as a child the disastrous results of dividing and conquering: persons identified themselves as Spaniards, Hispanos, Latinos, Mexican Americans, Mexicans, and other terms. Ironically, their names, food, and music were Mexican, but because of the division, one group did not speak to the others.

The greatest difference between Chicanos and the other defined groups, which continues today, is who has addressed the historical issues since 1519 (when Hernan Cortés conquered Mexico) that have afflicted Chicanos and Mexicans and created progress and opportunities for our people.

“Latinos” whose agenda for over 20 years was to prove they were White? “Mexican-Americans” who couldn’t be buried in White cemeteries after winning the Medal of Honor? “Hispanics” who were forced to change the name of the advocacy organization National Council of La Raza to UnidosUS because La Raza was unacceptable to racists? “Chicanx” and “Latinx” who have revised history by eradicating Chicano and Aztlán as they did with the name of the student group MEChA?

As Chicano historian Rodolfo “Rudy” Acuña wrote that organizational name changes don’t “further the building of a movement.” He wrote of the MEChA name change, “This is not done by wiping out the history of Chicanas/os, Aztlán, and rewriting the past.”

The Chicano movement knocked opened the doors of opportunity, created Chicano Park and Chicano studies, and produced leaders who addressed historical issues, such as Cesar Chavez for farm workers, Humberto Corona for immigration, Reis Lopes Tijerina for land, Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales for Aztlán, and José Ángel Gutiérrez for La Raza Unida Party.

This leaves young people with the question: What have Latinos, Mexican-Americans, Hispanics, Chicanx, and Latinx done, besides profiting from the Chicano struggle?

Herman Baca is a Chicano activist best known for grassroots community organizing. He was a key figure in the Chicano Civil Rights Movement since the 1960s. His writings and personal documents have been preserved at the University of California, San Diego (UCSD).


Hispanic, Latino, Latinx — A Question Of Belonging

Above: Arianna Andrade is pictured in this undated photo.

Arianna Andrade lives in two worlds.

As a rising UC San Diego Sophomore who grew up in City Heights, they are stepping into their identity as genderqueer. Among their classmates and friends they identify as Latinx or Chicanx, and feel the freedom of having their gender identity be seen and understood, but there’s also a loneliness to it.

Listen to this story by Cristina Kim

“I’m looking around right now and I don’t see anyone that looks like me, so sometimes I do feel out of place on campus,” Andrade said. “But then I go back home and I see everyone in the community who looks like me and has the same traditions as me, but they continue to see me as her.”

At home with their family and community, they feel another part of their identity is seen, but at the expense of another.

“I have no idea how to tell them or how to explain it to them because my mom even had the argument that using the 'X' is the colonizer language,” said Andrade. “She’s very much against the 'X' and she’s like, 'just use Latino.'”

UC San Diego Professor Ariana Ruiz, who teaches courses on Latinx identities, said Andrade’s journey represents a relatively new project in American history to more accurately identify everyone who falls within Latinidad, a term used to describe the Latin community writ large.

And like so many other things that traverse cultures and generations, the effort is both exciting and controversial.

“Older generations, older communities, and here, I am thinking about my parents or even grandparents, if they’re familiar with the term Latinx, they’re not quite going to understand it, as if I were to go on a college campus,” said Ruiz.

A brief history

Up until the latter part of the 20th Century, Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans and others of Latin descent were counted as white on the U.S. Census and were largely identified by their countries of origin.

That began to change during the 1960s civil rights era, when Mexican-American activists in Southern California established the Chicano movement. That was followed by a push during the 1970s for a Hispanic Census category, which came to fruition in the 1980 Census. Hispanic refers to anyone with cultural ties to countries where Spanish is spoken.

Beginning in the 1990s, the terms Latino and Latina gained popularity. Latino refers to anyone with roots in Latin America and is not tied to the Spanish language. Latin America broadly consists of Mexico, Central America, South America and the Caribbean islands.

Often used interchangeably, Hispanic and Latino can have different connotations and regional uses. Hispanic, for instance, is often associated with more politically conservative individuals and groups, according to Geraldo Cadava, author of “The Hispanic Republican.”

More recently, the term Latinx, which is a nonbinary and nongendered way of saying Latino, have become increasingly used by Universities and media outlets, including by NPR and KPBS, in order to be more inclusive.

The "X" in Latinx, however, doesn’t resonate with everyone. According to a 2020 survey by Pew Research Center, only 3% of adults surveyed identify as Latinx.

KPBS audience weighs in

The KPBS newsroom knows Latinx is not definitive or all encompassing by any stretch of the imagination, but we wanted to hear more about how our audiences identify and their thoughts on the term Latinx.

So, we asked. In the span of a month, we received nearly 200 unique responses from people across San Diego County.

Professor Ruiz isn’t surprised by the outpouring of responses.

“It's the politics of labeling. And with that politics, of course, are conversations around race, sexuality, gender, all of those components come into play,” she said. “It's one that people have strong feelings about and will lead to very lively conversations and debate.”

Photo credit: Prizila Vidal

Prizila Vidal is pictured in this undated photo.

Among the responses to KPBS’ callout, a few commonalities emerged. Some like Prizila Vidal, who grew up in San Diego and identifies as nonbinary, have come to really embrace the term Latinx.

“I just don't identify as male or female. I feel very gender neutral,” Vidal said. ”And so the whole term Latinx feels like that. But it also feels like it's own movement and it's own community.”

Vidal first heard the term Latinx from the LGBTQ community. They remember googling it and immediately feeling like it made sense. Vidal said all their close friends, the majority of whom are part of drag group called Queer Novela, also use Latinx.

They’ve also started to hear people using the term "Latine," which some find easier to say in Spanish. Vidal doesn’t think Latinx applies to everyone and isn’t surprised that some people don’t like it. But for them, it’s the label that makes them feel included and empowered.

Rodrigo Tapia is pictured at his home in Chula Vista, Calif. June 2, 2021.

Rodrigo Tapia of Chula Vista understands that people are trying to be more inclusive, but he personally doesn’t like the term Latinx.

“It’s a little bit of whitewashing insofar as the language is concerned,” Tapia said. “To me Latino, Latina or even Latinx means you’re identifying with a culture that holds Spanish in a special place within our community.”

For Tapia, his identity is wrapped up in speaking Spanish with his family, listening to Spanish music, or just being able to go to a local store in Chula Vista and speaking in Spanish.

It’s a part of who he is and so for him, Latinx seems to challenge that which he holds dear. He doesn’t feel included by the term. Tapia prefers Hispanic but will occasionally use the term Latino as well.

“I think it’s better to say Latino or Latina, it just comes off better, and like you understand the community,” Tapia said.

The many paths to Latinx

Michael Inzunza of Chula Vista identifies as Latino sometimes but is first and foremost a Chicano. He believes Chicanos in San Diego County, mere miles from the border, occupy a unique space because they are ni de aquí, ni de allá (not from here or there).

“We just go three minutes into Tijuana, where a lot of our relatives lived and all of sudden we aren’t Mexican. We’re labeled American gringos,” Inzunza said. “On this side of the border it’s the same issue. The greater Anglo community doesn’t refer to us as American in general.”

Michael Inzunza is pictured in Chula Vista, Calif. June 4, 2021.

Inzunza, like Tapia, feels like the term Latinx is something that non-Latinos say and use to describe his community, which makes it feel disingenuous.

“I’ve never heard anyone use it. I’ve never heard anyone identify with it,” said Inzunza. “I don’t know if it’s going to stick or not, but it’s not from us.”

According to Professor Ruiz, the origin of the term Latinx is a source of confusion because there’s no single origin story.

“The use of the 'X' is one that is discussed as coming out of indigenous communities throughout Latin American and it’s one that we have seen used within Latin American feminist circles as well,” said Ruiz. “When we’re talking about Latinx within the U.S. it’s tied especially to the LGBTQ community.”

Individual choices

Even those most against using the "X" believe individuals have the ultimate choice on how they identify and how they would like to be identified.

“I respect it. And if they choose to identify themselves, I support it 100%,” said Inzunza. “They tell me I want to be identified as Latinx then I’ll call them Latinx.”

As terms like Latinx become institutionalized and used by media outlets and corporations, however, a new power dynamic emerges that extends beyond the personal.

It can begin to feel like someone is telling you who you are, which is what makes Inzunza and Tapia critical of Latinx. And even for those that have adopted Latinx or Chicanx, it’s pervasive use can feel, what Ruiz calls, “performative” i.e. a form of virtue signaling that’s not rooted in breaking down binaries.

Professor Ariana Ruiz cautions that institutions need to be more intentional about the labels they use and that places that use Latinx need to question why they’ve adopted the term.

“Are you actually doing the work that’s related to these questions of sexuality, to these questions of gender? Or are you using it as a placeholder for Latino, which was doing the same work,” Ruiz said.

In the end, there’s no single right identity label that will be wholly inclusive of everyone and Ruiz said that’s a good thing because it forces people to be intentional and opens up opportunities for richer discussions.

“We want to think about it as embracing the tension and really leaning into the messiness that is a term like Latinx, like Latino, this question of Latinidad, it’s not one singular thing,” said Ruiz. “But one that is multifaceted and has lots of different history and experiences tied to it.”

As for Arianna Andrade, they are still figuring things out. They are still having discussions about identity and the use of "Chicanx" with their mom. They haven’t totally reached a shared understanding, but Andrade is hopeful they will get there.

“You know, maybe in the future,” Andrade said laughing.

For now, Andrade is enjoying being near their family who supports and love them as well as the new community and sense of belonging they are finding at school.

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Cristina Kim
Racial Justice and Social Equity Reporter

/> />I cover racial justice and social equity issues – an expansive beat that includes housing, health, criminal justice, and education. I am interested in unpacking how systems reproduce inequalities and highlighting the ways communities of color are pushing for greater equity.


‘Latinx’ and the History of Shifting Terms (OPINION)

Screen grab from a 1980 Univision ad encouraging U.S. Latinos to complete the census.

In 1934, University of California economist Paul S. Taylor described an obscure new term that was budding in South Texas.

“The term… is as yet little used…. [It] conforms more closely to the ideas which the group holds for its people, and is used consciously by them.”

The term: Mexican American.

The earliest uses were few and far between in the late 1910s, but it had grown slowly through the 1920s and 1930s. Mexican Americans had adopted this new identity in response to demographic and political upheaval on both sides of the border.

At first, very few people adopted it. In fact, many people were angered by it and openly mocked it. They believed that Mexican Americans were absurd and reflected a self-absorption and lack of perspective.

“Some [Mexican Americas] are conceited, living with a sense of superiority that they are American citizens. I think that they try to show it more than they actually feel it,” wrote the Mexican consul in San Antonio, Enrique Santibáñez.

The author and journalist Conrado Espinoza described Mexican Americans in the ‘20s as “families that, in terms of appearance, have lost their Mexican identity and are in terms of language (horrible Spanish and horrible English), in terms of their customs (grotesque and licentious), in terms of their desires (futile and fatuous ambition) a hybrid group which adapts itself neither in this country nor in our own.”

Santibáñez’s and others’ disdain of the new term could have been pulled from the current debates surrounding “Latinx.” Much has been written about Latinx, with authors claiming it is elitist, useless, and an attempt to Americanize the Spanish language. Some have intoned that it is a word for people who have lost touch with the cultures and language of Latin America and are more-or-less Americanized social justice warriors.

A recent poll by Pew found that only 3 percent of the population uses the term. While Pew surveyed a larger group, an earlier and smaller poll from November 2019 found similar results, showing just 2 percent preferred the term. These polls aren’t vindication or evidence that the term has come to the end of its run.

Latinx is a relatively new term and the debate surrounding it is far from over.

Communities creating, debating, and adopting new labels is not a new phenomenon. There is a long history of diasporic communities using new terms to situate themselves within their cultural contexts and political circumstances. In the past and in our present, new terms reflect the communities wielding the languages available to them to articulate their sense of belonging. And while those terms may be unpopular at first, they can grow into important identities over time.

In the first decades of the 20th century, people of Mexican descent in the U.S. needed a new term that would situate them in changing political circumstances. In the 1910s and 1920s, they saw increased racial violence. In the 1930s, citizenship became increasingly important as many ethnic Mexicans were deported, both citizens and foreign nationals. Access to New Deal programs depended upon proof of citizenship as well. They felt there was a dire need for their community to be recognized as primarily American, not a foreign “other.”

Their success in convincing their co-ethnics to adopt the term was uneven.

In surveys conducted in the 1930s by University of Texas political science professor Oliver Douglas Weeks, he found that the local San Antonio LULAC chapter had only 60 members out of an ethnic Mexican population of over 40,000. Even if some not in the group used Mexican American or Latin American, the percentage of people using those terms was still well below 1 percent. In Falfurrias, members who subscribed to the term only comprised a little over 3 percent of the ethnic Mexican population.

Nonetheless, the term grew in importance. By the 1950s and 1960s, Mexican American politicians had won elected office from California to Texas. In 1959 the Mexican American Political Association was created to address the needs of the ethnic Mexican population in California. The term while not widely used was accepted and politically relevant.

When a new group of activists started calling themselves Chicanas and Chicanos and began demanding social change, Mexican Americans were irritated and angry.

Politicians like Henry B. Gonzalez couldn’t stand the term or the young activists. LULAC member Jacob Rodriguez wrote disparagingly: “The term ‘Chicano’ was, and is, an insult, no matter how it is used…. It can’t even be dignified ‘kitchen-Spanish’ since all it is, is ‘gutter-Spanish.’”

Rodriguez went on condescendingly, “the younger generation doesn’t know any better. It still has a lot to learn…. Our youngsters’ lack of living, practical experience and comprehension is impelling them to ‘identify’ with something and —unfortunately for them and all the rest of us— they don’t even know what with or why.”

Chicana and Chicano activists, educators, and academics went on to challenge exclusive policies in politics, housing, and education, but they never convinced the majority of their own community to adopt the term either. Few people in the 1960s and 1970s identified as Chicana or Chicano, but the term and identity was important in creating alternative ideas of belonging, political resistance, and cultural affirmation.

By the 1980s, politics had shifted again and the terms changed to reflect this. The Decade of the Hispanic and the Reagan Revolution overlapped, and governmental and corporate power merged even more. Hispanic was a new term that could patch together disparate nationalities residing in the U.S. into a singular demographic powerhouse. In its alchemy, it turned Puerto Rican employees, Mexican American dollars, and Cuban American business ownership into data points that explained “Hispanic” socioeconomic standing. The introduction of Hispanic into the 1980 census solidified the term in the national consciousness as millions of people checked the box to identify themselves.

In response to the perceived corporate origins of Hispanic, but seduced by the pan-ethnic solidarity that it provided, Latino gained popularity in the ‘90s. And in response to the sexism that plagued higher education, corporations, Supreme Court nominations, and the White House, many academics and activists offered a corrective that meant to delineate the contributions and activities of women in society. They sought to politically and linguistically pull women from the shadows of men, to decenter mankind in favor of constellations of humanity. Instead of a singular Latino, they began writing “Latina/o” or “[email protected]

The new addition did not sit well for many people. Some disliked it because it could not be pronounced and was clunky. Others claimed that it was unnecessary because in Spanish grammar the masculine form includes men and women.

The Chicano author Dagoberto Gilb was critical about it even in a 2010 interview. He claimed that feminist Chicana professors were “making people write the slash in: ‘Chicano/a.’” He added, “It’s a phase…. I don’t want that slash shit anymore. I hate it. So you just call me a Chicana writer.”

And now Latinx has emerged from the long history of finding new words to describe the new worlds our communities imagine are possible.

The term inherits the activist politics of the Young Lords and the Chicano Movement. The term embraces the ideas and actions of the feminist and gay rights movements. It also recognizes the importance of pan-ethnic labels in building diverse coalitions. Because of this, Latinx has transgressed the politics of previous activists.

For this, Latinx activists are derided as “wokosos,”young snot-nosed kids who are talking out of turn and not respecting their elders. The claim that Latinxs are political ingénues who don’t appreciate the actions of those who came before them is a criticism that was also hurled at Chicanas and Chicanos. The claim that the “x” is unpronounceable or does not follow Spanish language rules was also made against Latina/o. The notion that Latinxs are overly Americanized in their concerns and affects was also used against Mexican Americans.

In this way, the debate over Latinx isn’t new. What is new, in the case of Latinas/os/xs, is that now people outside their communities are paying attention to their intra-community debates. And that shows that the Latina/o/x community is slowly moving from marginal to mainstream.


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