Sierra Leone word onafhanklik - geskiedenis

Sierra Leone word onafhanklik - geskiedenis



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Sierra Leone het 'n onafhanklike staat in die Britse Gemenebes geword. Sir Milton Margai het die eerste leier geword.

Sierra Leone: hoe onafhanklikheid gewen is

SierraLeone het op 27 April 1961 onafhanklikheid van Brittanje verkry. Die goue jubileum van die glorieryke dag is hierdie April. Dit was 'n gebeurtenisvolle 50 jaar, en soos die nasie dit vier, Nuwe Afrikaner wy hierdie spesiale herdenkingsverslag ter ere van die mense. Voorberei deur Edward Kargbo.

Soos baie Afrika -leiers by onafhanklikheid, het Sir Milton Margai, Sierra Leone se eerste premier, geweet wat kom. Hy sien die dringende behoefte aan nasionale samehorigheid na die diepe verdeeldheid wat die aanloop tot onafhanklikheid belemmer het.

Daar was spanning tussen die "landgenote" (mense uit die binnelandse "protektoraat") en die Krios in die westelike gebied wat 'n beter verhouding met die koloniale administrasie gehad het, waarskynlik as gevolg van hul opvoeding en aangeneemde Europese leefstyl.

Die smaak en reuk van politiek tydens die aanloop tot die "onafhanklikheidskonferensie" in Lancaster House in Londen (plaaslik bekend as die Constitutional Talks) het onaangenaam geraak omdat wedywering tussen verskillende politieke partye en belange blatant kwaad geword het. Maar die tyd vir onafhanklikheid het aangebreek. Die Britte was gereed om te gaan en niks kon die groen, wit en blou vlag van die nuwe Sierra Leone verhinder om die Union Jack te vervang nie.

Toe Sir Milton op 27 April 1961 die volk, wat vroeër deur die inheemse Mende -mense Romarong genoem is, tot onafhanklikheid gelei het, wou hy die mense herenig.

Hy was 'n man wat nie die stam of streek ken nie. Hy was 'n mediese dokter in verskillende dele van die land, het goeie vriende gemaak en die bewondering van die mense en hul Britse koloniseerders gekry. Sir Milton wou 'n volk sien wat sterk verenig was.

In sy onafhanklikheidsboodskap op 27 April 1961 het hy hierdie oproep tot die mense geroep: 'Ek vra u om eerlik en eerlik met u medemens om te gaan, wetteloosheid te ontmoedig en aktief na vrede, vriendskap en eenheid in ons land te streef. . ”

Sir Milton se boodskap het meer op 'n Sondagoggend meer soos 'n priesterhommel vir 'n gemeente geklink. Vir hom was leier op daardie tydstip meer as om net die hoogste amp in die land te beklee. Hy was van mening dat die basiese lewensbeginsels van 'eerlikheid' en 'billikheid' in menseverhoudinge van deurslaggewende belang is vir die groei van die land.

Op die tydstip ses en sestig, het sir Milton geweet en erken dat onafhanklikheid nie 'skielike verandering' kan meebring nie. Wat belangrik was, was die feit dat die mense "nou in volle beheer van [hul] lot" was.

Ongelukkig het die beleefde en versoenende Sir Milton nie lank genoeg gelewe om sy drome te verwesenlik om van die land 'n plek te maak om op trots te wees nie. Hy sterf in 1964 - skaars drie jaar in sy bewind. Dit was toe dat sy jonger broer, sir Albert Margai, op kontroversiële wyse as premier oorgeneem het en daarin geslaag het om Sir Milton se drome van 'n verenigde en ontwikkelingsgedrewe Sierra Leone te verwoes.

Volgens verskeie geskiedenisgeskiedenis het die jong Margai alles uitbundig omgekeer en 'n paar invloedryke lede van die regering van sy ouer broer afgedank en etniese en streeksverdelings geskep, terwyl die Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) gewild geword het.

Hierdie lelike verwikkelinge het die SLPP daarna die streng omstrede verkiesings van 1967 gekos. Die verlies van die SLPP het meegebring dat die opposisie -politikus, Siaka Stevens, van die All People's Congress (APC) mag verkry het. Maar die vreugde om die eerste vreedsame oordrag van politieke mag in Afrika van die regerende party na die opposisie te lei, is binne enkele ure in die wiele gery toe die koninklike militêre magte van Sierra Leone onder Brigadier David Lansana [getrou aan sir Albert] die land se eerste staatsgreep opgevoer het ' état.

Binne 24 uur het senior militêre offisiere Brigadier Lansana egter van sy bevel oor die weermag ontneem en later die Nasionale Hervormingsraad (NRC) ingestel. Dit duur nog 13 maande en nog 'n staatsgreep, hierdie keer opgevoer deur onderoffisiere, voordat Siaka Stevens die premierskap kon herwin.

Stevens se APC, na wie Sierra Leoneans om steun gesteek het ná Sir Albert se teleurstellende leierskap, het 'n skrikbewind "en ontbering op die mense ontketen - dieselfde mense as wat Sir Milton vermaan het om lojaal, eerlik en regverdig te wees .

Sedertdien het die land 'n lang pad gevorder - deur 'n reeks staatsgrepe en 'n bloedige rebelle -oorlog. Dit was 'n gebeurtenisvolle 50 jaar vir 'n land wat oorvloedig is met natuurlike hulpbronne (diamante is die belangrikste skenking), en tog arm bly.

Sierra Leone se 11-jarige rebelle-oorlog (1991-2002), wat veroorsaak word deur swak bestuur en selfsug, het 'n groot tol op die reeds swak infrastruktuur en ekonomie gehad.

Agt jaar na die verwoestende konflik staan ​​die regering van president Ernest Bai Koroma steeds voor ernstige uitdagings: heropbou, eenheid, regverdigheid en eerlikheid - dieselfde dinge as wat sir Milton by onafhanklikheid gepreek het. Verdelende politiek gebaseer op etnisiteit en regionalisme is miskien die nuutste en moeilikste uitdaging wat Sierra Leone vandag in die gesig staar.

Politiek en verkiesings het 'n ernstige bron van spanning en verdeeldheid geword op streeks- en etniese grense.

Uit die opposisie-oogpunt is die 'diskriminasie' van die Koroma-regering teen die mense uit die suidooste van die land te blatant. Dit is beslis 'n aanspraak op vooroordeel wat die APC verskeie kere weerlê het. Die regering voer aan dat die president se aanstelling van prominente opposisiepolitici uit die SLPP en ander suidoosters uit die People's Movement for Democratic Change ('n wegbreekparty wat deur Charles Margai, seun van sir Albert) gevorm is, genoeg rede moet wees om nie die etnisiteit van die opposisie te glo nie en regionalisme -aansprake.


Tag -argiewe: onafhanklike geskiedenis van Sierra Leone

Ordentlikheid

Met Sir Milton Margai as premier van 1961 tot 28 April 1964, toe hy vir ewig buig of sterf, het die ekonomie van Sierra Leone sterk gegroei dat ons geliefde land, Sierra Leone, die Athene van Wes -Afrika was, 'n ' Truisme 'wat inderdaad die volle aanvaarding werd was. Opvoedkundige standaarde was by hul Zenith fiskale dissipline was algemeen en die burgerskap was eintlik baie moreel RIK en glad nie moreel bankrot nie, aangesien die meeste van hulle tans gesien kan word deur hul houding en gedrag. Sir Milton Margai het geen wens en liefde vir mag, geld en vroue nie, en daarom was fiskale korrupsie tydens sy politieke administrasie ongehoord. Mag sy siel in volkome vrede rus.

Albert se ampstermyn

Sir Albert Michael Margai, die jonger broer van sir Milton Margai, volg sy ouer broer op as premier, wat daartoe gelei het dat die SLPP -regering politieke mag verloor aan die All People's Congress (APC) -party wat in opposisie was en gelei is deur mnr. Siaka problyn Stevens tydens die algemene of parlementêre verkiesings in Maart 1967. Sir Albert Margai was lief vir politieke mag en geld, maar het ongelukkig nie die politieke kundigheid en ervaring gehad wat hy nodig gehad het om sy verblyf in die politiek te verleng nie. Die ekonomie was nog steeds baie goed vir Sierra Leone, maar ongelukkig vir hom het die eenparty-regeringstelsel wat hy bedink en beëindig het, inderdaad sy val van politieke genade tot gras versnel, toe sy destydse regerende SLPP-regering die politieke mag moes verloor tot 'n baie 'n sterk APC -party het Siaka Stevens in die opposisie in Maart 1967 in die opposisie of parlementêre verkiesing gelei. Die ampstermyn van Siaka Stevens is 13 maande lank onderbreek deur die militêre junta van kolonel Andrew T. Juxon-Smith, van Maart 1967 tot Donderdag 18 April 1968, toe die NRC van Juxon-Smith se Nasionale Hervormingsraad omvergewerp is deur 'n Sersante se coup-de-etat onder leiding van ao-offisier klas I – Patrick Conteh, wat die voorsitter geword het van die militêre junta van die Anti-Corruption Revolutionary Movement ACRM. Die ACRM het op sy beurt militayr cum politieke mag aan brigadier John Bangura oorhandig, wat die National Interim Council -NIC Military junta gevorm het, wat junta in dieselfde April 1968 vinnig weer die politieke mag oorgedra het aan Siaka P. Stevens as premier. Stevens was in 1968 68 jaar oud toe hy amptelik die bewind as premier oorgeneem het.

Korrupsie

Siaka Stevens was 'n leier wat uiters en mal was oor politieke mag, geld en vroue. Sy 18 -jarige bewind is gekenmerk deur en deurlopende, diepgewortelde korrupsie op alle vlakke en op alle hoeke vanaf die Staatshuis wat die hoofkwartier en fontein van korrupsie, ongedissiplineerdheid en wanbestuur geword het, te Binkolo. Onder Siaka Stevens het Sierra Leone se ekonomie vergaan. Stevens het die spoorweg in Sierra Leone gesluit en verkoop toe ander lande hul s'n uitbrei, word beweer dat Siaka Stevens ons spoorweg verkoop het op advies van advokaat Solomon A.J. Pratt, wat self een keer genealbestuurder van die Sierra Leone Railways was.

(Pratt ontken dit natuurlik)

En om besering te beledig, het Stevens die Leone van die Britse Pond in 1978 verwyder, voordat hy in 1980 die Organisasie van Afrika-eenheid-OAU aangebied het, wat 'n negatiewe invloed op die neerslag gehad het, of dat dit eens 'n bloeisel was. Sierra Leone ekonomie. Dinge in Sierra Leone het in die 18 jaar van diktatoriale en korrupte Stevens se politieke bewind werklik van sleg tot erger gegaan. Hy het op Donderdag, 28 November 1985, uit die politiek getree, toe hy, Siaka Stevens, die personeel van die presidensie aan generaal -majoor Joseph Saidu Momoh in die Kamer van die parlement oorhandig het. Stevens het Momoh versorg vir 'n werk waarvan laasgenoemde geestelik siek was om dit te doen deur generaal -majoor Momoh jare lank 'n parlementslid te maak voordat hy hom as president verlaat om hom op te volg. Wat die politieke ampstermyn van president Momoh betref, het die minste gesê oor hoe alles uitmekaar val en van Stevens se era van sleg tot erger gegaan het tot die ergste van Momoh, hoe beter. Korrupsie, ongedissiplineerdheid, wanbestuur en hel het floreer in Momoh se heerskappy in die mate dat Foday Saybana Sankoh, die korporaal, sy rebellie op Sondag 23 Maart 1991 in die distrikte Kailahun en Pujehun aan die grens met Liberië geloods het.

Gulsige Seuns

Kaptein Valentine Strasser se nasionale voorlopige uitspraakraad en#8211 NPRC militayr junta, wat die APC-partyregering op Woensdag, 29 April 1992, omvergewerp het, was moontlik die politieke administrasie wat die ekonomie van Sierra Leone weer op die been gebring het. Maar die kakie -seuns was vol geldgierigheid, geld, rykdom, vroue en die uitoefening van politieke invloed, wat die gesindheid en gedrag veroorsaak het dat die politieke party wat hulle gestig het om hulle op te volg, die National Unity Party – NUP, tydens die presidensiële en parlementêre verkiesings van 26 Februarie 1996 deur die SLPP wat as vlagdraer was, mnr. Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, in politieke mag te stem. Alhoewel president Kabbah tydens sy bewind met die hulp van die Almagtige God in staat was om Foday Sankoh se 11 jaar rebelle -oorlog te beëindig deur op radio, Vrydag 18 Januarie 2002, aan te kondig dat die burgerlike konflik verby was, Kabbah, hoewel dit hy was Die betrokke anti-korrupsiekommissie het die betrokke burgers nie as ernstig beskou om korrupsie kragtig aan te pak en te beveg om dit tot die minimum te beperk nie. In elk geval en in elk geval, voordat hy die personeel van die presidensie aan president oorhandig het

Ernest Bai Koroma, op Maandag, 17 September, 2007, het die ekonomie onder Kabbah begin vorm aanneem en baie verbeter, maar korrupsie was nog steeds baie, baie hoog en diep gewortel. President dr. Ernest Bai Koroma kan uit alle aanduidings gesien word dat hy nogal ernstig is oor die aanpak en bestryding van korrupsie om dit op alle vlakke en uit alle hoeke te verminder. Desondanks moet en moet president Koroma gesien word om meer te doen as wat hy tans sien doen met betrekking tot sy toewyding, toepassing en fokus in die verband. Dit is die enigste manier waarop die ekonomie omgedraai kan word met 'n patriotiese siening om hierdie land in werklike menslike vooruitgang en voorspoed vorentoe te bring. Ons moet weet dat ontwikkeling die houding is van die mens om te werk. En wat Sierra Leone se 50ste onafhanklikheidsherdenking op 27 April 2011 betref, moet die vraag gestel word … Wat is daar om te vier ?! Agterstand? Heersende en steeds diepgewortelde korrupsie? Ondissipline en wanbestuur? Morele bankrotskap? President Koroma het 'n opdraande taak voor die 50-jarige onafhanklikheidsherdenking in Sierra Leone. Mag God met hom wees …


Sierra Leone - Geskiedenis

Argeologiese navorsing dui aan dat deur AD 800 is die gebruik van yster ingebring in die huidige Sierra Leone en dit deur AD 1000 die kusmense beoefen landbou. Miskien in die 13de eeu het migrante uit die meer gevorderde savannelande in die noorde en ooste aangekom.

Europese kontak het in 1462 begin met die Portugese ontdekkingsreisiger Pedro da Cintra, wat die bergige skiereiland die naam Sierra Leone (" Lion Mountains ") gegee het. Van die 16de tot die vroeë 19de eeu is die streek aangeval vir slawe vir die Atlantiese handel, en later in die 19de eeu is dit deur Afrika -oorlogsleiers en slawe verwoes.

Die kolonie Sierra Leone is gestig deur Britse filantrope om die gruwels van hierdie slawehandel te verlig. Granville Sharp, 'n leier in die beweging om slawerny af te skaf, het dit beplan as 'n tuiste vir Afrikaanse slawe wat in Engeland bevry is. In 1787 stuur hy die eerste setlaars uit na wat hy genoem het "The Province of Freedom. Sierra Leone -skiereiland aan kapt John Taylor namens die gratis gemeenskap van setlaars, hul erfgename en opvolgers, het onlangs uit Engeland aangekom en onder die beskerming van die Britse regering. 'N Paar jaar later het hulle by hulle aangesluit setlaars van Afrikaanse oorsprong uit Engeland, Nova Scotia (vrygemaakte slawe wat as lojaliste die Amerikaanse Revolusie gevlug het) en Jamaika.

Die Sierra Leone Company, waarvan Sharp 'n direkteur was, is in 1791 gestig om die nedersetting te bestuur. Die land was nie so vrugbaar soos beskryf nie, en die nedersetting was die slagoffer van aanvalle deur naburige stamme en deur 'n Franse eskader. Die verdedigings- en skikkingslas was vir die onderneming te swaar, en Sierra Leone is in 1808 na die kroon oorgeplaas.

Na 1807, toe die Britse parlement 'n wet aanvaar het wat die slawehandel onwettig gemaak het, is die nuwe kolonie gebruik as 'n basis vanwaar die handeling afgedwing kon word. Vanaf 1808 is honderde, en soms duisende, slawe elke jaar bevry, waarvan die meeste in Sierra Leone gebly het. In 1896 word 'n Britse protektoraat verklaar oor die binneland van Sierra Leone, wat apart van die kolonie was. Opstand in 1898 is hoofsaaklik ontlok deur pogings om die Britse koloniale jurisdiksie na die protektoraat uit te brei.

'N Grondwet van 1924 maak voorsiening vir die verkiesing van drie lede tot 'n wetgewende raad oor 'n beperkte franchise, en die grondwet van 1951 maak voorsiening vir 'n verkose meerderheid, wat Afrika -bewind tot gevolg het. In 1957 is die Wetgewende Raad vervang deur 'n Huis van Verteenwoordigers, waarvan die meeste lede verkies is, en die geletterdheidsvereiste vir kiesers is laat vaar. In 1958 word Milton Margai in 1960 die eerste premier van Sierra Leone en lei hy 'n afvaardiging na Londen om voorwaardes vir volle onafhanklikheid te vestig.

Onafhanklikheid

Sierra Leone het op 27 April 1961 'n onafhanklike land in die Statebond geword. Milton Margai het as premier aangegaan tot sy dood in 1964, toe hy opgevolg is deur sy halfbroer, Albert Margai, wat sy amp beklee het tot die nasionale verkiesing in Maart 1967. Die uitslag van die verkiesing is betwis, maar die All-People 's Congress (APC)

het 'n veelvoud van die setels in die Huis van Verteenwoordigers geëis. Voordat Siaka Stevens, voorsitter van die APC, as premier aangeneem kan word, is hy verdryf in 'n bloedlose staatsgreep onder leiding van die weermaghoof, brig. David Lansana. Krygswet is verklaar, en 'n Nasionale Hervormingsraad het 13 maande lank in beheer gebly, tot 18 April 1968, toe dit omvergewerp is deur die Anti-Corruption Revolutionary Movement, 'n militêre groep wat die National Interim Council gevorm het. Op 26 April 1968 word Stevens aangestel as premier van 'n burgerlike regering. Voortgesette politieke onrus het gelei tot die verklaring van 'n noodtoestand in 1970 en 'n verbod op die nuutgestigte Verenigde Demokratiese Party, 'n opposisiegroep wie se leiers gearresteer is.

In 1971, na 'n aborterende militêre staatsgreep wat met hulp van Guinee onderdruk is, is 'n nuwe grondwet aanvaar. Die land is op 19 April 1971 tot republiek verklaar. Twee dae later word Siaka Stevens, destydse premier, die eerste president van die land. Nasionale verkiesings is in Mei 1973 gehou, en die APC het 'n byna eenparige oorwinning behaal na die besluit van die opposisie van die Sierra Leone People 's Party om sy kandidate terug te trek weens beweerde verkiesingsonreëlmatighede. 'N Vermeende plan om Stevens omver te werp, het in 1974 misluk, en in Maart 1976 is hy vir 'n tweede termyn van vyf jaar as president sonder opposisie verkies. In 1978 is 'n nuwe grondwet aanvaar, wat die land 'n eenpartystaat maak.

'N Ekonomiese verlangsaming, tesame met die onthullings van korrupsie deur die regering, het gelei tot 'n algemene staking in September 1981, wat deur die Arbeidskongres in Sierra Leone genoem is, dat sommige arbeidsleiers en ander regeringskritici tydelik onder noodregulasies aangehou is, maar die regering het 'n belangrike eis van die stakers deur die prys van basiese goedere te verlaag. Geweld en onreëlmatighede was die parlementsverkiesings wat in 1982 gehou is, wat tot die APC beperk was.

Stevens het nie in 1985 vir herverkiesing as president verkies nie, wat sy hand uitgesoekte opvolger, genl.maj. Joseph Saidu Momoh, die bevelvoerder van die gewapende magte, gegee het, wie se benoeming deur die APC in sy onbestrede verkiesing in Oktober 1985 bekragtig is. in Mei 1986. Na 'n beweerde poging om Momoh in Maart 1987 te vermoor, is meer as 60 persone in hegtenis geneem, waaronder die eerste vise-president Francis Minah, wat uit sy amp onthef is. 'N Uitgebreide herskikking van die kabinet het gevolg. Verdere berigte oor beweerde staatsgreppogings het gevolg.

In April 1991 is Sierra Leone uit Liberië binnegeval deur magte onder bevel van die Liberiese rebel, Charles Taylor. Binnelandse ondersteuning in Sierra Leone het toegeneem en teen 29 April 1992 is Momoh in 'n militêre staatsgreep omvergewerp. Momoh het na Guinee gevlug. 'N Nasionale Voorlopige Besluitraad (NPRC) is gestig, maar kort daarna, op 2 Mei, is die hoof van die junta van vyf lede, luitenant-kolonel Yahya, deur sy kollegas gearresteer en vervang deur kapt Valentine Strasser, wat formeel aangewese staatshoof.

Die Strasser -regering beperk die status van die grondwet van 1991 spoedig deur 'n reeks dekrete en openbare kennisgewings. Dit het ook 'n aantal wette opgelê wat politieke vryhede beperk. Die NPRC het die parlement en politieke partye ontbind. Hulle het by besluit geregeer. Strasser het gepraat oor die terugkeer van Sierra Leone na veelpartydemokrasie. Sy hoofdoel was om die gevegte in die suidooste te beëindig, waar die magte van die National Patriot Front of Liberia en Sierra Leone-dissidente 'n minder-toegewyde weermag uit Sierra Leone betrek het. Kragte van die ECOWAS -moniteringsgroep wou 'n buffer langs die grens tussen die twee lande skep. Die rebellie onder leiding van Foday Sankoh van die Revolutionary United Front (RUF) het gedurende 1993 geput, hoewel dit lyk asof dit wankel terwyl die Liberiese rebelle oor die grens veld verloor het. Tog het die militêre situasie gestamp geraak. In November 1993 kondig Strasser 'n eensydige skietstilstand aan en 'n amnestie vir rebelle.

Deur 1992 en 1993 het Strasser die veiligheidsituasie gebruik om sy mag te konsolideer. In Desember 1992 het die regering 26 vermeende staatsgrepe van die Momoh -regering tereggestel. In die middel van 1993 arresteer Strasser sy vise-president, kapt. Solomon Musa.

Die NPRC het 'n Hoogste Staatsraad gestig, insluitend NPRC -lede, ander militêre offisiere en een burger. Beide liggame formuleer regeringsbeleid. Daaglikse bedrywighede is onder toesig van afdelingsekretarisse wat saam uit die kabinet bestaan ​​het.

In November 1993 het Strasser 'n rooster uitgereik vir 'n oorgang na demokrasie wat sou eindig in algemene verkiesings aan die einde van 1995. 'n Maand later het die NPRC 'n "Working Document on the Constitution vrygestel " om as basis te dien vir openbare debatte wat lei tot 'n grondwetlike referendum in Mei 1995. Adjunk -brigadier -generaal Julius Maada Brio het Strasser egter in 1996 verdryf en hom veilig uit die land gebring. Presidensiële en parlementêre verkiesings het in Februarie 1996 plaasgevind, maar rebellemagte het gewelddadig teëgestaan ​​wat tot 27 sterftes gelei het. Nie een van die kandidate, Ahmad Tejan Kabbah (United Peoples Party) of dr John Karefa-Smart, het 'n meerderheid van die stemme gekry nie en 'n afloop verkiesing is gehou op 15 Maart 1996. Kabbah het die verkiesing gewen met 59,4% van die stemme.

In Mei 1997 het majoor Johnny Paul Koromah van die Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) Kabbah omvergewerp. Botsings tussen die rebelle en Nigeriese troepe het gevolg, wat 12 000 inwoners van Freetown gedwing het om uit die hoofstad te vlug. Met ondersteuning van ECOMOG het president Kabbah op 10 Maart 1998 uit ballingskap teruggekeer. Rebellemagte bly egter stewig in beheer van die noorde, die Kono -diamantveld en gebiede langs die grens met Liberië.

'N Geweldige rebelle -offensief in Januarie 1999 onder leiding van die AFRC en Revolutionary United Front (RUF) het die ontruiming van diplomatieke en buitelandse hulppersoneel uit Freetown genoop. Tussen 3 000 tot 5 000 inwoners is dood, 150 000 ontwrig en 20% van Freetown is vernietig. Rebelle het duisende burgerlikes se hande en voete geamputeer om 'n boodskap aan die regering te stuur. Menseregteverslae dokumenteer onuitspreeklike vergrype aan alle kante. Die aanval is afgeweer, maar rebelle het beheer oor twee derdes van die land verkry.

In Maart 1999 is president Kabbah gedwing om tydelike amnestie toe te staan ​​aan korporaal Foday Sankoh, leier van die RUF. Sankoh het vier ministeriële poste en drie afgevaardigdes ontvang, wat die teenwoordigheid van die rebelle in die regering op sewe te staan ​​bring. Vredesgesprekke hervat en 'n skietstilstand is in Mei onderteken. In Julie was Jesse Jackson en die voorsitter van ECOWAS, Gnassingbe Eyadema, teenwoordig by die ondertekening van die Lom é Vredesakkoord.

Tot Mei 2000 het dit geblyk dat die ooreenkomste geïmplementeer kon word. In Oktober 1999 keer Foday Sankoh en Johnny Paul Koroma terug na Sierra Leone om by die regering aan te sluit. Sankoh het Kabbah egter gekritiseer omdat hy nie aan die voormalige rebelle die ministeries van justisie, finansies of buitelandse sake in die nuwe eenheidsregering aangebied het nie. Die Lom é -ooreenkoms het ten minste een senior bediening vir die rebelle gespesifiseer. In Desember 1999 begin ECOMOG -magte met hul onttrekking om vervang te word deur 11,000 VN -waarnemertroepe (UNAMSIL), wat uiteindelik 'n troepesterkte van 17,000 bereik het.

Vroeg in Mei 2000 het die RUF die oorlog hervat, 500 VN -personeel in beslag geneem en tot binne 25 myl van die hoofstad gevorder. Op 17 Mei is Foday Sankoh gevange geneem. Die Liberiese president Charles Taylor, 'n ondersteuner van die RUF, het gehelp om die vrylating van sommige van die vredesmagte te verkry, maar dring daarop aan dat Sankoh deel moet wees van die oplossing vir die oorlog. Teen Junie 2000 was die rebelle bereid om hul oorblywende gevangenes in te ruil vir Sankoh se vrylating, maar die handel het nooit plaasgevind as 'n kontingent van Britse, ECOMOG en VN -troepe onder UNAMSIL wat die RUF en ander gewapende groepe gelei het nie, wat lei tot 'n onderhandelde staking -vuur- en vredesooreenkoms, wat in Januarie 2002 ten volle van krag geword het. President Kabbah en sy party het oorweldigende oorwinnings behaal tydens die presidensiële en parlementêre stembusse wat op 14 Mei 2002 gevolg het.

Kabbah het 'n ambisieuse herstrukturering en afskaling van die weermag en veiligheidsmagte gedoen, en het onder die VN se spesiale hof begin om oorlogsmisdadigers te vervolg. Met die RUF -leier, Foday Sankoh, in die gevangenis, het die RUF saamgewerk, hoewel 'n onsuksesvolle aanval op 'n wapenrusting buite Freetown in Januarie 2003 verband hou met Johnny Paul Koroma. 'N Polisie -aanval op 18 Januarie op Koroma se woning het misluk, en hy het op vrye voet gebly. In Oktober 2002 het Kabbah 'n Waarheids- en Versoeningskommissie (WVK) gestig, wat traag was om van die punt af te kom. Terwyl die hoofdoel van die WVK emosionele genesing is, verval die WVK se mandaat, selfs met 'n verlenging van ses maande, in April 2004. Teen Februarie 2003 het ongeveer 1400 mense getuienis gelewer met inligting oor 3000 slagoffers wat meer as gely het 4 000 oortredings, waaronder 1 000 sterftes en 200 gevalle van verkragting en seksuele mishandeling. Een derde van die respondente was vroue en ongeveer 10% was kinders.

Intussen is Kabbah besig met die afnemende aantal vredesmagte in die land, saam met toenemende burgeroorloë in Liberië en C ôte d 'Ivoire. In Desember 2002 het UNAMSIL die eerste fase van sy afskaling voltooi en ongeveer 600 soldate onttrek in ooreenstemming met sy mandaat van die Veiligheidsraad. Teen die einde van Mei 2003 sou nog 4500 troepe teruggetrek word, en teen Desember 2003 sal slegs 2,000 UNAMSIL -troepe in die land oorbly, wat die las van veiligheidsoperasies op die regering plaas. In Februarie 2003 het ongeveer 300 Gurkha-soldate (Nepalese) van die Britse weermag se 2de bataljon Royal Gurkha Rifles in Sierra Leone aangekom om grensoverschrijdende aanvalle van rebelle en Liberiaanse weermageenhede af te weer. Duisende Liberiese vlugtelinge het egter die grens na Sierra Leone oorgesteek, en Liberiaanse en Sierra Leonese vlugtelinge is uit Cote d 'Ivoire gerepatrieer. In Mei 2003 beweer die owerhede in Liberië die lyk van kolonel Mosquito, die genadelose RUF -bosbevelvoerder, wat na bewering by rebelle aangesluit het wat veg teen die Liberiese president, Charles Taylor.


Sierra Leone vier 55 jaar onafhanklikheid

1991 – Begin van burgeroorlog. Die voormalige korporaal van die weermag, Foday Sankoh, en sy Revolutionary United Front (RUF) begin veldtog teen president Momoh en verower dorpe aan die grens met Liberië.

Nuwe grondwet wat voorsiening maak vir 'n meerpartystelsel.

1992 – President Joseph Momoh verdryf in militêre staatsgreep onder leiding van kaptein Valentine Strasser, blykbaar gefrustreerd omdat hy nie met rebelle te doen gekry het nie. Onder internasionale druk kondig Strasser planne aan vir die eerste veelpartyverkiesings sedert 1967.

1996 Strasser verdryf in militêre staatsgreep onder leiding van sy minister van verdediging, brigadier Julius Maada Bio (Foto).

Ahmad Tejan Kabbah in Februarie tot president verkies, teken in November 'n vredesakkoord met Sankoh se rebelle.

1997 – Vredesooreenkoms ontrafel. President Kabbah is in Mei deur die weermag afgedank. Majoor Johnny Paul Koroma, wat in die gevangenis wag op die uitslag van 'n verraadverhoor, lei die militêre junta en die Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC).

Koroma skort die grondwet op, verbied betogings en skaf politieke partye af.
Kabbah vlug na Guinee om internasionale steun te mobiliseer.

Die Statebond skort Sierra Leone op. Die VN se Veiligheidsraad stel sanksies teen Sierra Leone op, wat die verskaffing van wapens en petroleumprodukte belemmer.

'N Britse onderneming, Sandline, lewer nietemin logistieke ondersteuning, insluitend gewere, aan Kabbah -bondgenote.

1998 Februarie – Nigeries geleide Wes-Afrikaanse intervensiemag Ecomog bestorm Freetown en dryf rebelle uit. Kabbah kom triomfantelik terug na Freetown te midde van tonele van openbare blydskap.

1999 Januarie – Rebelle steun Foday Sankoh, revolusionêre leier van die Verenigde Front, en neem dele van Freetown van Ecomog in beslag. Na weke se harde gevegte word hulle verdryf en 5000 dood en 'n verwoeste stad agtergelaat.

'N Wapenstilstand word met omsigtige optimisme in Freetown begroet te midde van die hoop dat agt jaar burgeroorlog binnekort verby kan wees. Ses weke gesprekke in die hoofstad van Togo, Lome, het gelei tot 'n vredesooreenkoms waarvolgens die rebelle poste in die regering ontvang en verseker dat hulle nie vir oorlogsmisdade vervolg sal word nie.

VN -troepe arriveer om die vredesooreenkoms te polisieer, maar een rebelleleier, Sam Bokari, sê hulle is nie welkom nie. Intussen word Ecomog -troepe buite Freetown aangeval. VN -magte word in die ooste van die land aangeval, maar baie erger wag eers as die eerste 50, daarna verskeie honderde VN -troepe ontvoer word.

2000 – Rebelle sluit in op Freetown 800 Britse valskermsoldate wat na Freetown gestuur is om Britse burgers te ontruim en om die lughawe te beveilig vir die VN -vredesopstanders, Foday Sankoh, wat gevange geneem is.

Elf Britse soldate wat gyselaar geneem is deur 'n afvallige militiegroep genaamd die West Side Boys. Britse magte begin met die operasie om die oorblywende Britse gyselaars te red.

2001 – Die regering stel die presidensiële en parlementêre verkiesings uit en#8211 wat vir Februarie en Maart – is ingestel as gevolg van voortdurende onveiligheid. VN-troepe begin vir die eerste keer vreedsaam ontplooi in rebellebeheerde gebied. Ontwapening van rebelle begin, en die Britse opgeleide leër van Sierra Leone begin ontplooi in gebiede wat deur rebelle gehou word.

2002 – Oorlog is verby verklaar. Volgens die VN -missie is die ontwapening van 45 000 vegters voltooi. Die regering en die VN stem saam om 'n hof vir oorlogsmisdade in te stel. Kabbah behaal 'n groot oorwinning in verkiesings. Sy Sierra Leone People ’s Party verkry 'n meerderheid in die parlement. Britse troepe verlaat Sierra Leone na hul twee jaar lange missie om die burgeroorlog te beëindig.

2003 Foday Sankoh, die rebelleleier, sterf aan natuurlike oorsake terwyl hy wag om verhoor te word vir oorlogsmisdade. President Kabbah sê vir die waarheid en die versoeningskommissie dat hy geen sê het oor die operasies van regeringsmilisies tydens die oorlog nie.

2004 Ontwapening en rehabilitasie van meer as 70 000 burgeroorlogvegters amptelik voltooi. Oorlogsmisdade wat deur die VN gesteun word, open die hof om senior leiers van die burgermag van beide kante van die burgeroorlog te verhoor. Eerste plaaslike verkiesings in meer as drie dekades.
Oorlogsmisdade begin. VN oorhandig beheer oor veiligheid in die hoofstad aan plaaslike magte.

2005 – VN se Veiligheidsraad magtig die opening van 'n VN -hulpmissie in Sierra Leone vanaf 2006 om die vertrek van vredesmagte in Desember te volg. Die laaste VN-vredestroepe verlaat Sierra Leone, wat die einde van 'n vyf jaar lange missie om die orde te herstel aandui.

2006 Maart – Liberiese oud-president Charles Taylor (Foto) word in Nigerië gearresteer en aan die oorlogsmisdade in Sierra Leone oorgegee wat hom aangekla het.

President Kabbah sê 90% van die land se skuld van $ 1,6 miljard (£ 815 miljoen) is afgeskryf ná onderhandelinge met internasionale skuldeisers.

2007 – Start of former Liberian president Charles Taylor’s war crimes trial in The Hague, where he stands accused of instigating atrocities in Sierra Leone.

Sierra Leone’s special war crimes court in Freetown delivers its first verdicts, finding three militia leaders guilty. Presidential and parliamentary polls – Ernest Bai Koroma wins the presidency and his All People’s Congress, formerly in opposition, wins a majority in parliament.

2008 January – Former Liberian president Charles Taylor’s war crimes trial in The Hague resumes after a six-month delay. Local elections are marred by violence between the supporters of the two main parties

2009 April – Three former senior leaders of rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF) sentenced to long jail terms for civil war atrocities. UN-backed Special Court winds down after seven years investigating civil war atrocities. Its remaining case, trial of Charles Taylor, continues in The Hague.

2010 – President Koroma (Photo) commissions the Bumbuna Hydro-electricity dam, after decades of wasted investment – mainly through corruption – estimated at over $500 Million, with a power capacity of 50Mega Watts, but currently generating 20 MW – lighting up the Capital Freetown.

The Anti-Corruption Commission has found its tooth and has started to bite, especially those deemed to be the sacred cows of President Koroma’s government. But critics say that the Commission is not going far enough, and is being selective in its efforts.

Some government ministers have been indicted and charged, while others are standing trial on corruption charges.

President Koroma introduced the new Goods and services Tax, which at 15% is causing a lot of pain for consumers, whose average daily income is no more than 50 US Cents.
Prices of basic commodities have gone up drastically. Unemployment has risen and poverty is on the increase.

27 April 2010, marking 49 years of independence with 270 children out of 1000 dying before celebrating their fifth birthday and one in eight women dying during pregnancy or childbirth, compared to a one in 76 average in the rest of the developing world President Koroma has launched a free health care programme for breast feeding mothers and pregnant women, and children under five years old.

2011: Sierra Leoneans celebrate 50 years of independence, but those celebrations turned into tears as millions of dollars donated to Sierra Leone to help tackle poverty and mark the anniversary were stolen by those put in charge of the 50th Independence Celebrations.

Sierra Leone’s economy received a boost, with the resurgence of iron ore mining by African Minerals Ltd.

This shot in the arm gave the country’s GDP a one-off lift of 13%. The Koroma government hastily hailed Sierra Leone as one of the fastest growing economy in the world. But this one-off GDP increase did not last and was unsustainable. Few realised that African Minerals was heading for serious financial trouble.

By the end of 2012, the economy began to fall yet again, due to uncontrolled public spending, narrow taxation base, and lack of investment in the private sector to boost job creation.

2012: President Koroma declared that Sierra Leone was opened for business. But corruption and lawlessness were on the increase.

Unemployment and poverty keeps rising.

Hundreds of people died of a cholera outbreak, amid fears of a national public health disaster.

Presidential and general elections were held. The main opposition SLPP fielded former military junta leader – Julius Maada Bio as their presidential candidate. The party suffered a resounding defeat at the polls, but blamed the ruling APC for electoral malpractice.

For the first time in its history, the opposition SLPP lost every single seat they had in Freetown and in the eastern district of Kono to the ruling APC, the worst electoral defeat suffered by the SLPP party.

2013 – 2014: Ebola struck the people of Sierra Leone. The government was accused of negligence and lack of ideas as to how best to tackle the virus. Ministers were in denial. President Koroma sacked his minister of health – Miatta Kargbo.

More than 200 health workers including doctors were killed by the virus: Dr. Willoughby, Dr. Olivette Buck, Dr. Thomas Rogers, Dr. Salia, Dr. Koroma, and others.

President Koroma called for seven days of national fasting and prayer, in response to the continuing exponential rise in the number of Ebola victims. He had enough.

He said that Sierra Leoneans should start the New Year by committing the nation in prayers and fasting, so that “we can have the kind of divine direction and grace that is required.”

This provoked critics into accusing the president of trying to sub-contract his leadership duties and responsibilities to the Power above.

Critics of the government said: “Each doctor in Sierra Leone is worth more than 100 of those useless and thieving chameleons we call POLITRICIANS – most of whom are overpaid, overweight and under-worked – jobs worth.

“Our politicians are only interested in lining their pockets with donor funds, and care very little about the welfare of our poor and overworked doctors, who are dying in the line of duty.”

British military ship – RFA Argus arrived in Freetown, carrying aid, supplies and off-road vehicles to take the fight to Ebola.

Several other countries including the US and China sent tons of materials and hundreds of specialists to help Sierra Leone fight the virus.

President Koroma declared a seven day lockdown of the country to sensitise the public.

2015: Ebola has taken the lives of over 3,000 people and more than 8,000 infected.
President Koroma declared another lockdown, but critics accused him of using the Ebola crisis as a political weapon to curb civil liberty.

A report published by the country’s auditor general found that over $14 million could not be accounted for by government officials responsible for managing the Ebola funds.

The government was heavily criticised for spending $12 million to purchase 50 buses from China, amidst an Ebola crisis that needed cash to control the number of people dying from the virus.

Vice president Sam Sumana put himself into self-quarantine, a decision he will perhaps regret for the rest of his life. President Koroma used this opportunity to sack the vice president, claiming the VP had absent himself from duty and was seeking asylum at the US Embassy.

A new vice president – Victor Foh was controversially appointed by president Koroma to replace Sam Sumana. The opposition SLPP and Sam Sumana respectively launched a Supreme Court case to overturn Koroma’s decision, but lost.

The Supreme Court declared that president Koroma had acted lawfully – case closed.
President Koroma sacked his attorney general and minister of justice – Frank kargbo, and appointed the head of the anti-corruption commission – Joseph Kamara, to that role.

8th of November Sierra Leone was declared Ebola free. There was street celebration.
Supporters of president Koroma call for more time or third term for president Koroma. The opposition and civil society say no, the constitution must be respected.

2016: President Koroma made a major reshuffle of his cabinet, bringing 15 new ministers into his government, as poverty and unemployment grows. He needs to make quick economic and political gains before the elections in 2018. Will these new ministers help him achieve this goal?

Today, 27th April 2016, Critics say that the government has run out of cash, and is unable to pay the salaries of public sector workers and contractors.

The opposition SLPP continues to be dogged by infighting and constitutional crisis, with general and presidential elections just two years away.

The 1991 Constitutional Review Committee published its first draft report, sparking much debate

As Sierra Leone celebrates its 55 years of independence today, there is very little sign of economic, social and political progress, as corruption, poverty, disease, continues to affect millions of people across the country.

Freetown the capital city is without proper supply of water for the past few months and getting worse.

Electricity supply has been reduced to less than two intermittent days a week, as most homes go without power for weeks on end.

This is Sierra Leone, after 55 years of independence. What would the next 55 years be like?

Listen to Dennis Kabatto speaking to Mr. Abdul Rashid Thomas, editor-in-chief & publisher of the Sierra Leone Telegraph about Sierra Leone’s 55th independence anniversary on WBAI, 99.5 FM Radio in New York:

Watch the Sierra Leone Independence Celebration Story of 1961:


Founding of Sierra Leone, 1787

Sierra Leone’s founding dates back to 1787 when several waves of freed black settlers originating from England, Nova Scotia, and Jamaica all arrived in the area. Utilizing some English government funding, The Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor, an abolitionist group which included Thomas Clarkson, William Wilberforce, and Granville Sharp, established the colony with the settlement of 411 London blacks on the Sierra Leone peninsula in what is now modern-day Freetown in May of 1787. That settlement was named Granville Town after Granville Sharp. Sharp also wrote a constitution based on the British legal tradition and on a framework of Christian principles. Two further waves of settlers came in 1792 and 1800 this included 1,200 blacks from Nova Scotia, and 550 Maroons who had been exiled from Jamaica following the 1795 Maroon War.

The first settlers faced both environmental and political problems. Diseases and food crop scarcity along with conflicts with indigenous local African communities whose land they had settled on made survival difficult. In 1790 Granville Town was razed to the ground by indigenous people in retaliation for the burning of a native settlement. Though Granville Town was rebuilt by St. George’s Bay Company (later re-named Sierra Leone Company), it was again attacked by the French navy in 1794.

Internal settler issues and conflicts also undermined the colony’s stability. The Sierra Leone Company control of food, seeds and other vital supplies and its decision to charge one shilling per acre for land caused the Nova Scotian settlers to rise up in rebellion in 1800. Although this rebellion was eventually put down by British naval forces, the company agreed to limit settlement to the blacks already in the colony. New conflicts with indigenous people over disputed land clams prompted attacks on the colony by the Koya Temne between 1801 and 1807.

Sierra Leone became a crown (British) colony in 1808. From that point virtually all of the new settlers were “re-captives,” slaves rescued from slave ships and emancipated by the Royal Navy. Sierra Leone became a base for the navy’s operation and the number of re-captives soon outstripped the number of original freed slave settlers. These re-captives eventually blended into the community, created by the first three waves of freed slave settlers. They formed a unique Krio culture and language with Christianity as its base. By the 1830s Sierra Leone became an important site of missionary activity and education. Freetown, the colonial capital, was known as “Athens of West Africa.” Also by that period, commerce replaced agriculture as the principal source of revenue in the colony.


The Approach of Independence

Calls for independence had remained particularly muted in Sierra Leone, even as the British government brought about changes in the country clearly designed to lead in that direction. In early 1960, at the instigation of the British government, talks were begun with SLPP leaders to discuss independence. In May of that year, shortly before a constitutional conference in Great Britain, Milton Margai who had been knighted in 1959 was named the country's first prime minister, and the governor withdrew from the Executive Council s operations.

At this time the PNP was the only party of significant size other than the SLPP, but a number of small parties continued in existence. They included the Kono Progressive Movement, later known as the Sierra Leone Progressive Independence Movement (SLPIM), and vestiges of the NCSL and the UPP. Nearly all of the parties announced their opposition to SLPP plans for independence, demanding that new national elections be held before the country broke its ties with Great Britain. Prime Minister Margai, always a skillful negotiator, was able to get all political party leaders to join the United National Front and present a common policy to Great Britain at the constitutional conference. After Margai offered to give the leaders of the other parties seats in his postindependence government, the demands for prior elections were dropped and the terms for the constitution agreed upon.

When the leaders returned to the country after the conference, one of them, Stevens, announced that he was not prepared to abandon the demand for elections before independence, and he accused the other leaders, including his fellow PNP members, of selling out the interests of their followers in return for government posts. His assertions were acclaimed by many Sierra Leoneans, and he left both the United National Front and the PNP to start a new party, the All People's Congress (APC). Almost immediately the APC registered an important triumph by winning two of the three seats on the Freetown City Council.

Despite this display of popular rejection for the United National Front and the SLPP, the British government continued plans for granting independence in 1961 without any further test of public support for the arrangements. Rioting, protesting the lack of elections, broke out and continued. In order to end it the government proclaimed a state of emergency just before independence and jailed more than forty APC leaders, including Stevens, until mid-May.

Sierra Leone became an independent country on April 27, 1961. The new constitution created a parliamentary system, the Legislative Council becoming the House of Representatives and Milton Margai serving as head of government. The queen, as titular head of state, appointed a governor general as her representative.


Sierra Leone — History and Culture


Sierra Leone, as with most African countries, has a complicated history, characterized by colonization and civil war. That said, since the end of the civil war, the people and the government have done a tremendous job of moving forward and rebuilding the country. The culture is clearly an eclectic mix of both regional and international influences.

Geskiedenis

Life in Sierra Leone can be traced back to 2,500 years ago, when different ethnic and cultural groups migrated to the region from other parts of the continent. This migration is evidence by many important historical finds, such as ancient pottery and weaponry. The groups that inhabited the region included the Bulom, Sherbo, Loko, Susu, Fula and Limba peoples.

The 15th century brought with it the country’s first contact with Europeans, as Portuguese ships descended on the region. With the arrival of the 17th century, however, Portuguese domination began to diminish, making way for British Imperialism. This period of British rule marked the height of the international slave trade, during which thousands of Africans were taken from their countries and shipped to locations in North America and the West Indies, forced into a life of hard labor and poverty. To learn more about Sierra Leone’s role during the slave trade, visit the trade port on Bunce Island and the accompanying museum in Freetown.

In the 18th century, slavery’s popularity with the British waned, and many British philanthropists campaigned for Sierra Leone to become a homeland for freed African slaves. The Cotton Tree in Freetown is an important historical landmark commemorating the arrival of freed slaves back to the continent.

With the wave of decolonization that swept over the African continent during the 1960s, Sierra Leone was granted liberation from the British Empire in 1961. Soon after independence, however, political upheaval was experience in the form of a succession of military coups that eventually led to civil war.

The period from 1967 to 2002 in Sierra Leone was characterized by extreme power struggles, attempts to establish authoritarian one-party regimes, guerilla insurgencies, and a brutal war, during which hundreds of thousands of Sierra Leoneans were unnecessarily killed. Ten years after peace was declared, the country has made great progress in picking up the pieces and moving forward in a democratic and non-violent manner.

Kultuur

Despite Sierra Leone’s colonial history, the tumultuous road to independence, and tragic civil war, the country has managed to retain a large part of its indigenous cultures, while, at the same time, incorporating many of the influences brought from overseas. Such an amalgamation makes for an interesting experience for travelers who are interested in immersing themselves as much as possible into the local culture. The different local and international influences are clearly evidenced by the country’s cuisine, sports, and music.

Sierra Leone’s cuisine is heavily rooted in the cultures and geography of West Africa. Popular ingredients, many of which can be found in other west-African counties as well, include starches like maize meal and couscous, and root vegetables like cassava and okra. Most dishes are of the stew variety, simply served over rice. Unlike some of the African countries, however, Sierra Leone has managed to cultivate a rather healthy eating culture in which fresh fruits and vegetables are the pick of the day.

Music is Sierra Leone is perhaps the most eclectic part of the country’s culture, as it is a lovely mixture of indigenous, British, and French varieties. Popular genres include Palm Wine, typical in the west-African region and characterized by Portuguese guitars, local melodies, and tropical calypso beats. There is also the Gumbe genre, which relies more on percussion instruments and jazzy rhythms.


President: Julius Maada Bio

Julius Maada Bio of the opposition Sierra Leone People's Party won a run-off election to become president in April 2018.

He narrowly beat governing All People's Congress candidate Samura Kamara, who said he will mount a legal challenge to the result over alleged voting irregularities.

Mr Maada Bio, a former soldier, took part in a military coup during the country's civil war in 1992, only to overthrow the military junta itself in 1996 and pave the way for free elections that year.

He has tried to counter criticism of human-rights standards during military rule by saying he accepted "collective responsibility" for any violations.

He became leader of the People's Party in 2012 and stood for the presidency the following year, losing to President Ernest Bai Koroma of the All People's Congress.

Mr Maada Bio has criticised the outgoing government's close ties with China, and pledged to heal the country's divisions and invest in education.


Pedro da çintra did not name Sierra Leone: An Exploration into available evidence

There has been a huge misconception about the source of the name ‘Sierra Leone’. Everyone who claimed authority on Sierra Leone history had without question attributed this to the Portuguese voyager named Pedro da çintra (the cedilla softens the ‘c’ into an ‘s’ rendition, just as in ‘çapes’, often written as ‘sapes’). This voyager visited the shores of the Sierra Leone peninsula in 1462 and later claimed to another Portuguese functionary, Pacheco Periera, that he ‘saw a land so rough and wild, (he) called it ‘Lyoa’ (Kup 1961:6). This claim, which did not include the other half of the name, was believed by Periera and it is the source of what has become embedded in Sierra Leone history, that Pedro da çintra gave the name ‘Sierra Leone’ to the peninsula and the name stuck on to that of the colony and later independent nation bearing that name.

This bald acceptance of Periera’s claim, passed on now with a strong conviction among Sierra Leoneans, has created several problems for the history of our country. Virtually all functionaries and teachers in Sierra Leone still repeat the claim, whether in text books, in the Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation advertisement or in all other writings. The latest Basic Education Certificate Exam (BECE) carried a question on Pedro da çintra founding Sierra Leone, representing what the teachers had taught the pupils across the country.

Part of the problem also is that historical studies on Sierra Leone have started at 1462 and with Pedro da çintra. British scholars who first started writing Sierra Leone history encouraged this, as if nothing had been happening before Pedro da Vintra got there and the Bulom people who lived there, hardly find mention in historical analyses. Writings from British sources have been more concerned with the actions of the Europeans in Africa, and the founding of the Colony of Sierra Leone was prominent, with a brief mention of where the name comes from. The Monuments and Relics Commission, founded in 1946, still has virtually all of its declared monuments representing things the British left behind and almost nothing on the Sierra Leoneans themselves.

It has become necessary to correct this situation. Briefly, the sum total of the available evidence is that the term ‘serra lyoa’ was already in use, represented in early Portuguese maps before 1462 when Pedro da çintra got there. The peninsula, it is indicated by Paul Hair, the foremost authority on this matter, ‘consists largely of the range of hills “serra” which gave the district its name’ (Donhela 1625:187).

The first Portuguese recorded as having visited the area was Alvaro Fernandes in 1446. This was a period of intense competition between European powers to lay claim to territory on the African coast, the main reason for the fortifications built on most of the islands around the peninsula with the concurrence of the Bulom people living there. This competition for territory also meant that a large number of interlopers, renegade pirates and traders from European countries plied the seas around the Guinea Coast.

Many of them had shipmates familiar with cartography and so made rough ‘maps’ representing their own perceptions of where they were and often hiding those maps for fear of their falling in the hands of other European nations. As A.P. Kup comments:

‘Such maps were secret, and every nation – every ship’s captain almost – as they arrived here kept their knowledge to themselves’ (Kup 1961:1).

Thus the voyages of these ship captains, some of them unrecorded, carried maps secretly prepared and guarded. Some of these maps have survived but the various names of places around the peninsula are so numerous as to be confusing, each ship captain giving new names to each landmass or island they encountered. In all of these however, the ‘serra’ of the peninsula stands out and the name ‘serra lyoa’ was already in use before 1462.

According to Paul Hair, the term “serra lyoa” was also employed by the Portuguese in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to refer to a long stretch of the Guinea Coast, normally from Cape Verga to Cape Mount’ (Donhela 1625:187 Hair 1966:49-51).

In the face of this confused picture, it was easy for any one voyager, as in the case of Pedro da çintra, to claim authorship of the name.

Christopher Fyfe, a prominent historian on Sierra Leone, wrote a formidable History of Sierra Leone in 1962, still very relevant in today’s reconstruction of our history. Fyfe simply mentions that ‘Portuguese voyagers in the mid fifteenth century named the peninsula serra lyoa from the wild looking, lionine mountains’ (Fyfe 1962:). The name Pedro da çintra is not even mentioned in Fyfe’s work, apparently seeing no reason to single out that voyager simply because of a false claim.

Another recent writer, Kevin Lowther, who has followed extant records, while mentioning the name of Pedro da Vintra, does not attribute to him the origin of the name Sierra Leone. (Lowther 2011 25)

Thus from all accounts, if there is any agreement, it is that we are only sure that the name ‘Sierra Leone’ comes from early Portuguese voyagers who first reached the shores of the Sierra Leone peninsula. Apart from what is a false claim by Periera about Pedro da çintra, no scholar attributes the name to any particular Portuguese voyager.

We should therefore reject this claim and remove it from our history textbooks and from references linking the name Pedro d Vintra with the start of Sierra Leone history.

Bibliographic References

Donhela, Andre (1625) An Account of Sierra Leone and the Rivers of Guinea Cape Verde.

Notes and English Translation by P.E.H. Hair. Junta De Investigacoes Cientificas Do Ultramar, Lisboa 1977

Fyfe, Christopher 1962. A History of Sierra Leone. London, Oxford,

Hair P.E.H 1966. “The Spelling and connotation of the toponym ‘Sierra Leone since 1461”. Sierra Leone Studies, n.s. 18, 1966, pp. 43-58 n.s. 20, 1967, p.220

Kup, A.P. 1961. A History of Sierra Leone 1400-1787. London, Cambridge University Press.

Lowther, Kevin 2011. The African American Odyssey of John Kizell. Columbia, SC, University of South Carolina Press.


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