Kongresvrou Gabrielle Giffords beseer in skietery

Kongresvrou Gabrielle Giffords beseer in skietery



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Op 8 Januarie 2011 word Gabrielle Giffords, 'n Amerikaanse kongresvrou uit Arizona, kritiek beseer toe 'n man op 'n skietery gaan tydens 'n kiesersvergadering wat die kongresvrou buite 'n supermark in Tucson gehou het. Ses mense sterf in die aanval en nog 13, waaronder Giffords, is gewond. Die gewapende man, die 22-jarige Jared Lee Loughner, is op die toneel in hegtenis geneem.

Giffords, 'n inwoner van Arizona en 'n demokraat wat in 2006 verkies is tot die Amerikaanse Huis van Verteenwoordigers, het op 8 Januarie om 10:00 in die Casas Adobes Safeway -winkel aangekom om 'n kongres by Your Corner -geleentheid aan te bied. Die gewilde politikus, net die derde vrou uit Arizona wat ooit tot die kongres verkies is, het buite by 'n tafel gesit en met kiesers gesels wat tougestaan ​​het om haar te sien. Tien minute later het Loughner, 'n inwoner van Arizona, die 40-jarige Giffords genader en haar met 'n half-outomatiese pistool van 9 mm raakgeskiet. Hy het toe op die mense wat in die ry staan, losgebrand. Kort daarna, terwyl Loughner probeer het om sy geweer te herlaai, het omstanders hom aangevat en vasgehou totdat die polisie opgedaag het. Giffords, wat getref is met 'n koeël wat haar skedel gebreek het en die linkerkant van haar brein deurboor het, is na 'n Tucson -hospitaal vervoer. Sommige vroeë nuusberigte beweer dat sy nie die skietery oorleef het nie.

Ondersoekers het spoedig bewyse by Loughner se huis ontdek wat aandui dat hy die kongresvrou in 'n sluipmoordaanval geteiken het, en dat hy 'n geskiedenis gehad het om anti-regeringsvoorvalle op die internet te plaas. Dit het ook aan die lig gekom dat Loughner in die herfs van 2010 deur amptenare van die Tucson's Pima Community College, waar hy 'n student was, meegedeel het dat hy na ontwrigtende, bisarre gedrag in die klasse en in die biblioteek nie toegelaat sou word om terug te keer skool toe nie totdat hy 'n toestemming vir geestesgesondheid gekry het. In plaas daarvan om te voldoen, het Loughner die universiteit verlaat.

Op 12 Januarie 2011 het president Barack Obama tydens 'n groot openbare gedenkdiens in Tucson gepraat vir die slagoffers van die skietery. Onder die dooies was 'n 9-jarige meisie, 'n 63-jarige federale regter en 'n 30-jarige lid van Giffords se personeel. Later die maand is Giffords na 'n rehabilitasiehospitaal in Houston, Texas, oorgeplaas, waar sy sou leer hoe om te loop en te praat. Einde Januarie het Loughner ook onskuldig gepleit op 'n reeks federale aanklagte teen hom, waaronder die poging tot moord op 'n kongreslid. In Maart het hy onskuldig gepleit op 'n bykomende 49 aanklagte wat spruit uit die skietery.

In Mei het Giffords van die hospitaal in Houston na die Kennedy Space Center in Florida gereis om te kyk hoe die laaste vlug van die ruimtetuig Endeavour onder bevel van haar man, ruimtevaarder Mark Kelley, begin word. Die daaropvolgende maand is die kongresvrou uit die rehab -hospitaal ontslaan en begin met polikliniese behandeling. Op 1 Augustus het sy vir die eerste keer sedert sy geskiet is, 'n verrassing teruggekeer na die vloer van die Amerikaanse Huis van Verteenwoordigers om te stem vir 'n ooreenkoms om die land se skuldplafon te verhoog.

In November 2011 het Giffords en haar man 'n memoir vrygestel, "Gabby: A Story of Hope and Courage." Om saam te val met die bekendstelling van die boek, het Giffords haar eerste televisie -onderhoud sedert die skietery gehou. Tydens die onderhoud het die kongresvrou optimisties voorgekom, maar sukkel om volledige sinne te vorm. Op 25 Januarie 2012 bedank Giffords uit die kongres om te konsentreer op haar voortdurende herstel. In Augustus dieselfde jaar het Loughner skuld beken op 19 van die misdade waarop hy aangekla is, waaronder die doodmaak van ses mense. As deel van die pleitooreenkoms het federale aanklaers ingestem om nie die doodstraf teen hom te eis nie. Op 8 November 2012 is Loughner lewenslank tronk toe gestuur sonder parool.

In 2020 is Giffords se man, Mark Kelly, 'n demokraat, in die Amerikaanse senaat uit die staat Arizona verkies.


GIFFORDS, Gabrielle

Gabrielle Giffords, 'n opkomende ster in die House Democratic Caucus, het haar loopbaan tragies en voortydig kortgeknip toe sy byna vermoor is tydens 'n poging tot sluipmoord by 'n konstituerende gebeurtenis in Arizona. Giffords, 'n voorstander van grensveiligheid, ontwikkeling van alternatiewe energie en verbeterde veterane -voordele, was trots op haar sentristiese rekord, eers in die wetgewer in Arizona en daarna in die kongres. 'Ek het altyd baklei vir wat ek dink reg was,' het sy eenkeer gesê. 'Maar ek het nooit die karakter bevraagteken van diegene met wie ek nie saamstem nie. Nooit het ek die geleentheid laat verbygaan om met iemand hande te vat net omdat hy of sy verskillende oortuigings gehad het nie. In staatsdiens het ek 'n plek gevind vir my strewe na 'n sterker Amerika - deur die veiligheid en veiligheid van alle Amerikaners te verseker, deur hier tuis skoon energie te produseer in plaas van olie uit die buiteland in te voer en deur ons dapper manne en vroue in uniform te vereer met die voordele wat hulle verdien het. ” 1

'N Derde generasie Arizonan, Gabrielle Dee (Gabby) Giffords, is gebore op 8 Junie 1970 in Tucson, Arizona, die jongste kind van Spencer en Gloria Giffords. Giffords het 'n ouer suster, Melissa, en 'n ouer halfbroer, Alejandro. Sy studeer aan die Tucson's University High School in 1988 en volg die Scripps College in Claremont, Kalifornië, waar sy 'n dubbele hoofvak behaal het in Latyns -Amerikaanse studies en sosiologie in 1993. Nadat sy 'n jaar lank in Chihuahua, Mexiko, op 'n J. William Fulbright gestudeer het. Giffords het, in 1996, 'n meestersgraad in stedelike beplanning aan die Cornell -universiteit in Ithaca, New York, verwerf. Daarna werk sy ses maande by 'n konsultant in New York voordat sy na Tucson terugkeer om haar gesin se bande -onderneming te bestuur, wat haar oupa in 1949 gestig het. Terwyl Giffords vier jaar lank die onderneming gelei het, fokus hy op kliëntediens. 'Ek het nooit gedink ek sou [die werk] so graag soos ek wil hê nie,' het sy destyds gesê. 'Ek het nie geweet wat om te verwag nie. My visie [vir die onderneming] is om dienste te lewer wat ek nog nie gesien het nie. ” 2 Ekonomiese druk het Giffords genoop om die bandbedryf in 2000 in 'n kommersiële eiendomsbestuursfirma te konsolideer, wat sy tot 2007 help bestuur het. 3 In November 2007 trou Giffords met Mark Kelly, 'n vlootvlieënier en ruimtevaarder, wat sy ontmoet het tydens 'n reis van 2003 na Sjina. 4

Giffords, wat in 2000 vir die eerste keer 'n verkose amp gesoek het, het gesê dat sy die politiek betree het ná frustrasies in haar bandonderneming. Sy het gesê dat werksaansoekers nie die vaardighede gehad het om die vorms behoorlik in te vul nie, en dat sy probleme ondervind om hulp te kry vir 'n werknemer met 'n geestesongesteldheid. 'Waarom moet u u hande draai as u die trekker kan regmaak?' Vra Giffords. 5 Giffords het 'n enkele termyn in die staatshuis in Arizona deurgebring en daarna in 2002 met meer as 74 persent van die stemme die verkiesing tot die senaat gewen - die jongste vrou wat ooit in die kamer verkies is. 6 Sy het herverkiesing in 2004 gewen. In die staats senaat het die sentristiese Demokratiese Leierskapsraad Giffords in 2003 aangewys as een van die "100 nuwe demokrate om dop te hou", en in 2005 het die Aspen-instituut haar deel gemaak van die eerste klas van Aspen- Rodel fellows, 'n leierskapsprogram vir verkose amptenare onder die ouderdom van 50. 7

Toe die republikeinse verteenwoordiger van die 11-termyn, James Thomas Kolbe, einde 2005 sy uittrede aangekondig het, bedank Giffords uit die senaat van die staat om die kandidaat te stel vir die oop sitplek, wat dele van Tucson en die suidoostelike hoek van Arizona omvat. Giffords was 'n vroeë Demokratiese voorloper en noem Kolbe se uittrede 'n 'venster van geleenthede' vir 'n 'pro-sakedemokraat'. 8 Sy staan ​​voor vyf teenstanders in die Demokratiese voorverkiesing, waaronder 'n bekende voormalige plaaslike nuusanker. Immigrasie-, opvoedings-, gesondheidsorg- en etiese aangeleenthede het almal 'n prominente rol gespeel in die veldtog, ondanks min meningsverskil tussen die voorste demokrate. 9 Giffords wen maklik die primêr met 54 persent van die stemme en verslaan haar naaste teenstander met meer as 23 punte. 10 In die algemene verkiesing het sy te kampe gehad met die Republikein Randy Graf, 'n sterk immigrasie -teenstander, wat Kolbe in die 2004 Republikeinse voorverkiesing uitgedaag het. Giffords het Graf met 54 persent van die stemme verslaan tydens 'n verkiesing waarin die Demokrate vir die eerste keer in 'n dosyn jaar na die meerderheid teruggekeer het. 11

In die 110ste kongres (2007–2009) het Giffords in die komitees vir buitelandse sake en wetenskap en tegnologie vir gewapende dienste gedien. Sy het die drie opdragte vir die duur van haar loopbaan in die kongres beklee. Sy het ook by die Blue Dog Coalition aangesluit, wat probeer het om federale uitgawes te beperk en te rig. National Public Radio het die eerste termyn van Giffords geprofileer met segmente wat die lewe as 'n eerste wetgewer beskryf. '[M] y distrik, suidelike Arizona en ander aangrensende state, dra die las van 'n nasionale krisis. Die federale regering het besluit om nie jaar na jaar na jaar te reageer nie, 'het sy tydens 'n afdeling oor immigrasie gesê. 12 Giffords, wat immigrasie die onderwerp van haar eerste toespraak op die huisvloer gemaak het, ondersteun omvattende immigrasiehervorming en grensveiligheidsmaatreëls, insluitend hoëtegnologiese radar- en drone-patrollies, sowel as sanksies vir diegene wat werklose dokumente in diens neem. 13 'n Paar jaar later, in 2012, het Giffords se wet op die voorkoming van ultraligte vliegtuigsmokkelary die wet geword. Die wetgewing het federale veiligheidsamptenare die mag gegee om die smokkelbedrywighede wat nuwe lugvaarttegnologie gebruik het, teen te werk. 14

Giffords het maklik herverkiesing in 2008 gewen met byna 55 persent van die stemme. 15 Tydens die 111de kongres (2009–2011) was Giffords voorsitter van die subkomitee vir ruimte en lugvaart in die Wetenskap en Tegnologiekomitee, waar sy aan die beleid oor alternatiewe energie gewerk het. In die 111ste kongres het haar Road Technology Map -wet op sonkragtegnologie die Huis goedgekeur en was die onderwerp van verhore in die senaat. Die wetsontwerp bevat 'n omvattende uiteensetting om die federale beleid te koördineer met die behoeftes van die huishoudelike sonbedryf, en bied meer hulpbronne en navorsing oor nuwe tegnologieë. 16

Oor nasionale aangeleenthede ondersteun Giffords grootliks die beleid van die Barack Obama -administrasie, wat stem vir die Wet op Bekostigbare Sorg, vir die herroeping van 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell' sodat gay dienspligtiges openlik in die weermag kan dien, vir die Dodd -Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, en vir 'n omvattende immigrasieplan. 17

In die algemene verkiesing in 2010 het Giffords te kampe gehad met Jesse Kelly, wat die steun van die Tea Party -beweging gehad het wat laer belasting voorstaan. In 'n jaar waarin die Demokrate die meerderheid van die Huis verloor het, het Giffords 'n oorwinning van 49 tot 47 persent behaal-die engste verkiesing in haar loopbaan. "Ons het gewen omdat Demokrate, Republikeine en Onafhanklikes in ons veldtog saamgespan het om te fokus op die werklike oplossings vir die struikelblokke wat ons in die gesig staar," het Giffords na die oorwinning gesê. 18

Op 8 Januarie 2011, drie dae in die 112de kongres (2011–2013), het Giffords 'n 'Congress on Your Corner' -geleentheid buite 'n Tucson -kruidenierswinkel gehou. Tydens die ontmoet-en-groet met kiesers het 'n gewapende man Giffords in die kop geskiet en ses ander doodgemaak, waaronder 'n federale regter en een van Giffords se medewerkers. Dertien ander is beseer. Giffords, ernstig gewond, het skaars oorleef. 19 Giffords het verstommend herstel ondanks die erns van haar beserings. 20 Sy het haar man in Mei in die ruimte sien wegloop, en sy het teruggekeer na die Huis om in Augustus oor 'n wetsontwerp op skuldplafonne te stem. Om meer op haar herstel te fokus, tree Giffords op 25 Januarie 2012 uit die huis. 21

'Die enigste manier waarop ek my distrik ooit in die kongres bedien het, was deur 100 persent te gee,' het sy in haar bedankingsbrief gesê. 'Die afgelope jaar het ek my herstel gegee. Dankie vir jou geduld. Van my eerste stappe en my eerste woorde nadat ek geskiet is tot my huidige fisiese en spraakterapie, het ek my heeltemal toegelaat om hierdie jaar weer op die vloer van die huis te kom om die agtste kongresdistrik van Arizona te verteenwoordig. Vandag weet ek egter dat dit nie nou die tyd is nie. Ek het meer werk om te herstel voordat ek weer in die verkose amp kan dien. . . . Elke dag werk ek hard. Ek sal herstel en sal terugkeer, en ons sal weer saamwerk vir Arizona en vir alle Amerikaners. ” 22

Sedert hulle die kongres verlaat het, het Giffords en haar man Amerikaners gestig vir Responsible Solutions om geweergeweld te bekamp. In 2016 het hul organisasie by die Law Center aangesluit om geweergeweld te voorkom en is dit herdoop tot Giffords: Courage to Fight Gun Violence. 23


Die verweerder van Gabrielle Giffords moet medies neem

LêER - Hierdie lêerfoto van 8 Januarie 2011 wat deur die kantoor van die balju van die Pima County verskaf is, toon Jared Loughner. 'N Federale regter sal Vrydag, 26 Augustus 2011, argumente hoor oor 'n versoek van die prokureurs om die verdagte in Tucson te skiet om hul kliënt met psigotropiese middels te dwing. (AP Foto/Pima County Sheriff's Department via The Arizona Republic, File) Loop op: 08-28-2011 Jared Lee Loughner het onskuldig gepleit. Die balju -afdeling van Pima County/AP

Die man wat in die skietery in Arizona beskuldig is, wat ernstig beseer het. Gabrielle Giffords het homself 50 uur lank wakker gehou nadat 'n appèlhof dwangmedikasie gestaak het. Hy het in sirkels geloop totdat hy sere ontwikkel het, en antibiotika geweier om 'n besmette voet te behandel. Hy was al maer en het opgehou eet en 9 pond afgeskud.

Die Amerikaanse distriksregter, Larry Burns, beskryf die gedrag van Jared Lee Loughner om sy weiering om gevangenisdokters wat besluit het om dwangmedisyne te hervat, te verklaar. Hy het gesê: "Dit lyk vir my heeltemal gepas en redelik."

Loughner se prokureurs het onsuksesvol aangevoer dat 'n hof moet kyk of die dwangmedikasie kan hervat.

Die uitspraak kom Vrydag in 'n voorverhoor van drie uur, wat insig bied oor die broos toestand van Loughner in die federale gevangenis in Springfield, Mo, waar hy op selfmoordwag is.

Christina Pietz, 'n sielkundige wat hom in die gevangenis behandel, het getuig dat Loughner 'minder psigoties' is as in die verlede en dat sy nou meer bekommerd is oor depressie. Sy het gesê Loughner snik soms onbeheerbaar.

Loughner het onskuldig gepleit op 49 aanklagte tydens die skietery op 8 Januarie waarin ses mense dood is en 13 ander gewond is, waaronder Giffords, tydens 'n ontmoet-en-groet-geleentheid wat deur die Demokratiese kongresvrou buite 'n kruidenierswinkel in haar Tucson-distrik gehou is.


Giffords maak meer spontane bewegings, 'sê die dokter

TUCSON (Reuters) - Kongresvrou Gabrielle Giffords, ernstig beseer tydens 'n skietery, "maak meer spontane bewegings" en kan haar koeëlwonde met haar hande voel, het 'n dokter haar behandel.

Giffords is deur die kop geskiet deur 'n gewapende man wat Saterdag 'n ontmoeting met 'n semi-outomatiese vuurwapen in Tucson gehou het, en ses mense dood, waaronder 'n federale regter, 'n negejarige meisie en een van Giffords se hulp.

'Sy maak meer en meer spontane bewegings. sy word elke dag beter, ”het die trauma -chirurg dr Peter Rhee aan verslaggewers van die University Medical Center in Tucson gesê.

'Sy kon self haar wonde voel. ons is baie gelukkig ”met haar vordering, het hy gesê.

Giffords is Saterdag een keer deur die agterkop geskiet tydens 'n vergadering met kiesers buite 'n winkel in Tucson Safeway.

Jared Lee Loughner, 'n 22-jarige uitval van die universiteit, het Maandag sy eerste hofverskyning gemaak op vyf federale aanklagte, waaronder die poging tot moord op Giffords.

Rhee het gesê die kongresvrou bly in 'n kritieke toestand, hoewel sy aan die "rand van die bos" was.

'Elke dag van nou af en tot die naweek is die tyd dat as daar iets sleg sou gaan, dit in hierdie tydperk sou gebeur. Niks het gebeur nie, ”het hy gesê.

Giffords sou permanente breinskade opdoen as gevolg van haar kogelbesering, het Rhee gesê, hoewel hy hoopvol was dat sy weer in 'n "funksionele, lewensvatbare, normale" toestand sou herstel.

"Ek dink . sonder twyfel. .. daar is permanente skade wat deur die koeël veroorsaak sal word. maar sal sy funksioneel, lewensvatbaar, normaal wees? Ek kan nie met sekerheid sê nie, maar ek hoop dat sy sal wees, ”het hy gesê.

Rhee het gesê dat ses pasiënte ná die skietery in die hospitaal gebly het. Afgesien van Giffords, wat in 'n kritieke toestand is, is twee in 'n ernstige toestand en drie in 'n redelike toestand.


Gabrielle Giffords weet min oor skiet

Dit is byna ses weke sedert Rep.Gabrielle Giffords ernstig beseer is tydens 'n skietery in Tucson, Ariz.

Giffords (D, Ariz.) Het die afgelope maand intense fisioterapie in 'n rehabilitasiesentrum in Houston ondergaan, nie net om te praat nie, maar ook om met haar familie en vriende te kommunikeer.

In 'n "Early Show" -onderhoud het Pia Carusone, stafhoof van Giffords, gesê die kongresvrou is nie heeltemal bewus van wat die dag vroeg in Januarie gebeur het nie, vermoed die gewapende man Jared Loughner het na bewering op 'n skare losgebrand wat byeengekom het vir haar politieke geleentheid.

Carusone het gesê: 'Sy weet beslis dat hier 'n traumatiese gebeurtenis was. Die besonderhede van die erns van die beserings aan die ander, weet jy, weet sy nog nie. op 'n hoër vlak van kommunikasie. Dokters het gesê dat dit nie regtig regverdig is, soos u kan dink nie, om iets so tragies aan iemand te vertel wat moontlik nie die gedetailleerde vrae kan stel wat iemand sal hê as hulle hierdie nuus hoor nie. "

CB Tea News -korrespondent Don Teague het berig dat dokters haar vordering in die byna ses weke sedert Giffords geskiet het, merkwaardig genoem het. Dokters waarsku egter dat die langtermynskade steeds moeilik is om te meet.

Trending Nuus

Dr Jonathan Fellus, 'n neuroloog en spesialis in neuro-rehabilitasie, het gesê: 'Die langtermyn-kwessies gaan regtig op taal gefokus word-haar kommunikasievermoëns, lees, skryf en natuurlik ook die regterarm beweeg.'

Maar vriende sê dat hierdie 'langtermynkwessies' struikelblokke is wat sy vasbeslote is om te oorkom.

Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D, Florida) het gesê: "Jy kon sien dat sy regtig wou betrokke raak. En sy wou reageer en reageer regtig met gesigsuitdrukkings en glimlagte en frons. Maar ek het ook 'n bietjie frustrasie gesien waarin ek wou probeer reageer, want sy het verstaan ​​en sy kon nog nie (reageer) nie. "

Teague het bygevoeg: 'Giffords het 'n lang herstel voor haar, maar dokters het herhaal dat haar genesing niks minder as wonderbaarlik was nie.'

Toe Erica Hill, mede-anker van 'Early Show', uitvra oor Giffords se vermoë om te praat, antwoord Carusone: 'Daar is verskillende woorde in haar woordeskat wat terugkom, en elke dag nuwe woorde wat ons hoor. Kort frases, eenvoudige gedagtes. Daar is geen twyfel of sy verstaan ​​wat rondom haar gebeur. "

Carusone vervolg: 'Sy lag op die regte tye.'

Carusone het gesê Giffords kan TV kyk. Sy en haar man, Mark Kelly, 'n ruimtevaarder, het verlede week saam na '30 Rock' gekyk, het Carusone gesê.

'As die gesprek ernstig raak, dink ek, kan sy dit besef,' het Carusone gesê. 'Sy herken dus volkome mense wat by haar kom inloer. Niemand wat haar gesien het, twyfel dus daaraan dat sy alles om haar kan verstaan ​​nie. En jy weet, sy werk net baie hard. En dit vorder, dit lewer vrugte af, en elke dag is daar nuwe vordering wat u sien. U weet dat ons baie hoopvol is oor haar herstel. ”

Carusone beskryf Giffords se rehabilitasie in die TIRR Memorial Hermann -hospitaal in Houston as 'besig'.

"Hulle het 'n goeie rekord vir die opstel van 'n baie goeie rehabilitasieprogram," het Carusone gesê, "dit is dus veelsydig. Ek bedoel, daar is verskillende spanne terapeute wat werk aan spraak en fisiese en arbeidsterapie. Uiteindelik is eet 'n groot deel van beter word en slaap. Ek bedoel, dit is basiese dinge wat ons almal ken. Dus doen sy baie van die dinge. "

Carusone het aan CBS News gesê Giffords doen staan-, versterkings- en buigsaamheidsoefeninge. Volgens haar is haar postuur uitstekend, maar tans kan sy nie alleen loop nie.


'N Kykie na die loopbaan van verteenwoordiger Gabrielle Giffords

Daar was 'n haas om vas te stel wat die bloedbad veroorsaak het in 'n staat wat aanleiding gegee het tot 'n brandende debat oor onwettige immigrante en ook 'n nul geword het vir diegene wat Obama se geboorteplek bevraagteken.

'Dit is nie 'n goeie atmosfeer op die oomblik nie, alhoewel ek nie sê dat dit die rede was nie,' het Andy Silverman, professor in die regsgeleerdheid aan die Universiteit van Arizona, gesê. 'Maar dinge in Arizona is baie gespanne, en ons het die broeikas geword vir baie immigrasieverwante aangeleenthede, en nou ook vir die geboorte.'

Giffords se mede -kongreslid in Arizona, die Republikein Jeff Flake, onthou dat sy onbevrees was nadat haar kantoor in Tucson geteiken is deur vandale wat 'n venster gebreek het voor die jaar se stemming oor gesondheidsorg.

Tydens 'n onderhoud met MSNBC nadat haar kantoor gevandaliseer is, het Giffords opgemerk dat haar distrik op Sarah Palin se "kruishare" lys van geteikende kongreswedrenne was. Daar is berig dat Roll en sy vrou in 2009 ten minste 'n maand lank 24 uur beskerming ontvang het nadat hulle doodsdreigemente ontvang het nadat hulle 'n regsgeding van 'n miljoen dollar getuig het wat onwettige immigrante teen 'n boer in Arizona ingedien het.

Palin het in 'n verklaring 'opregte meegevoel' aan Giffords en die ander slagoffers betuig.

'Namens Todd en my gesin bid ons almal vir die slagoffers en hul gesinne en vir vrede en geregtigheid,' het sy gesê.

Namate inligting oor Loughner later die dag begin verskyn het - insluitend aanlynvideo's en kommentaar wat onder dieselfde naam geplaas is as die inwoner van Tucson en Mountain View High School - het diegene in Arizona en Washington gewaarsku om nie tot gevolgtrekkings te kom nie.

Sommige aanlynverklarings wat aan Loughner toegeskryf word, dui op 'n obsessie met die land se geldeenheidstelsel en met grammatika. In 'n aanlynvideo wat onder Loughner se naam geplaas is, word 'n Amerikaanse vlag verbrand.

'Dit was polities 'n moeilike tyd vir die land, en ek is seker bloggers en ander sal mal wees oor die wapenregte, op die mense van die teeparty - om uit te vind wie die skuld is,' sê Randy Graf, 'n Republikein wat saam met Giffords in die staatswetgewer gedien het en vir haar verloor het in haar eerste kandidaat vir die kongres.

'Namate ons meer van die vermeende skieter hoor, lyk dit asof hy meer lyk soos 'n persoon met probleme wat u nie kan beheer nie,' het Graf gesê. Hy het gesê dat hy en Giffords ten spyte van hul politieke verskille 'goed oor die weg gekom het'.

Die voormalige rep. Jim Kolbe, die Republikein wie se setel Giffords in 2006 gewen het toe hy besluit het om nie herverkiesing te vra nie, het gesê dat dit 'onvanpaste bespiegeling is om te praat oor wat die politieke omgewing kan wees'.

Mense kom Saterdag by die trappe van die Capitol in Washington bymekaar vir die slagoffers van die skietery. Jose Luis Magana/AP steek onderskrif weg

'Ons het nog geen inligting nie,' sê Kolbe, 'n goeie vriend van Roll. 'Ek dink nie lede van die media en die publiek besef dat openbare amptenare die hele tyd dreigemente ontvang en hul kantore laat vandaliseer nie.'

Giffords (40) word beskou as 'n opkomende demokraat, met 'n matige streep en 'n ruimtevaarder-man. Op 32 -jarige ouderdom word sy die jongste vrou wat ooit in die staatshuis van Arizona verkies is.

Sy is Saterdag deur die professor aan die Universiteit van Arizona, Lynn Marcus, mededirekteur van die immigrasiekliniek van die skool, beskryf as 'baie toeganklik en baie warm', iemand wat baie op 'n voornaam ken.

"Sy het 'n standpunt ingeneem ter ondersteuning van omvattende immigrasiehervorming, maar sy was niemand wat as 'n liberale of pro-immigrant beskou word nie," het Marcus gesê. "Haar kiesers in die suide van Arizona is boere en landelike Arizonane."

Sy pleit vir handhawing en die beveiliging van die grens as die sleutel tot die hantering van die uitdagende kwessie, het Marcus gesê.

Giffords sou na verwagting verlede jaar haar wedloop in die 8ste kongresdistrik van die Republikeinse regering verloor. Soos Flake gesê het, was daar 'n 'baie sterk teenwind' teen haar - en teen alle Demokrate.

'Sy is herkies omdat sy hardnekkig is,' het hy gesê. "Sy is onvermoeid."

Oor Gabrielle Giffords

  • Gebore: 8 Junie 1970, in Tucson, Ariz.
  • Familie: Getroud met Mark Kelly, 'n vlootvlieënier en ruimtevaarder by NASA
  • Huis: Tucson
  • Godsdiens: Joods
  • Amerikaanse huisverteenwoordiger, verkies tot 2006
  • Staatssenator, Arizona, 2002-05
  • Staatsverteenwoordiger, Arizona, 2000-02
  • Uitvoerende hoof, El Campo Tire, 1997-00
  • PricewaterhouseCoopers, 1996-97
  • Scripps College, BA, 1993
  • Cornell Universiteit, M.R.P., 1996
  • Fulbright -geleerde in Mexiko, 1996

Kolbe, wat Giffords ken sedert hulle saam in die staatswetgewer gedien het, het gesê dat sy 'baie uitgaande, bruisende en bedagsame' is.

Sy het 'n meestersgraad aan die Cornell -universiteit en het haar gesin se bandonderneming in Tucson oorgeneem.

Regter, kongresvrou was vriende

Roll, 'n 63-jarige inwoner van Pennsylvania wat sy regsgraad aan die Universiteit van Arizona se regskool ontvang het, is aangestel deur George H.W. Bush in 1991. Silverman, wat 'n klerkprogram met Roll koördineer, het gesê dat hy die beoordelaar as hardwerkend, slim en nederig beskou.

'As u etikette op beoordelaars plaas, word hy meer konserwatief beskou, maar ek dink hy is polities,' het Silverman gesê.

John Roberts, hoofregter van die Amerikaanse hooggeregshof, het gesê Roll se dood is 'n sombere herinnering aan die belangrikheid van die oppergesag van die reg en die opofferings van diegene wat hulle beywer om dit te beveilig. '

Dupnik het gesê dat Roll, wat hy beskryf as 'een van die beste mense wat ek ooit in my lewe ontmoet het' by Giffords se geleentheid op pad huis toe van die mis, wat hy daagliks bygewoon het, gestop het.

Roll en die kongresvrou was vriende, het die balju gesê, en die regter wou net groet voordat hy huis toe gaan om die vloere te doen, soos elke Saterdag.

Aangesien die nuus Saterdag voortgaan om uit te spoel, was die toon wat baie, insluitend Graf, onpolities was.


Die kongresvrou van Arizona, Giffords, het 6 mense doodgeskiet

Sien volledige grootte The Associated Press/2011 Huisspreker John Boehner stel hierdie maand weer die aflegging van rep. Gabrielle Giffords, D-Ariz., Op Capitol Hill in Washington in werking.

TUCSON, Ariz. - 'n Gewapende man het Saterdag byna 'n halfautomatiese wapen by 'n besige supermark afgelaai tydens 'n openbare byeenkoms vir rep. Gabrielle Giffords, die Demokraat gewond en die hoof federale regter van Arizona en vyf ander vermoor in 'n poging tot sluipmoord wat Amerikaners laat twyfel of verdeeldheid in die politiek het die verdagte oor die rand gestoot.

Die skietery het Giffords geteiken en die kongresvrou van drie maande in 'n kritieke toestand gelaat nadat 'n koeël deur haar kop gegaan het. 'N Ontstelde president Barack Obama noem die aanval' 'n tragedie vir ons hele land '.

Giffords (40) is 'n gematigde demokraat wat in November herverkiesing gewen het teen 'n teeparty-kandidaat wat haar uit die amp wou werp oor haar steun aan die wet op gesondheidsorg. Woede oor haar posisie het soms gewelddadig geword, met haar kantoor in Tucson wat gevandaliseer is nadat die huis in Maart verlede jaar die opknapping deurgemaak het en iemand by 'n onlangse byeenkoms met 'n wapen opgedaag het.

Die polisie sê die skieter was in aanhouding en is geïdentifiseer deur mense wat vertroud is met die ondersoek as Jared Loughner, 22. Amerikaanse amptenare wat sy naam aan die AP verskaf het, het op voorwaarde van anonimiteit gepraat omdat hulle nie gemagtig was om dit in die openbaar bekend te maak nie.

Sy motivering was nie onmiddellik bekend nie, maar die balju van die Pima County, Clarence Dupnik, het hom as geestelik onstabiel beskryf en moontlik met 'n medepligtige opgetree.

Dupnik het gesê Giffords was onder 13 mense gewond in die geveg wat ses mense doodgemaak het-waaronder die 9-jarige Christina Greene, die 30-jarige Gifford-assistent Gabe Zimmerman en die Amerikaanse distriksregter John Roll. Die 63-jarige regter het pas ingekom om sy vriend Giffords te sien nadat hy die mis bygewoon het. Die 76-jarige Dorthy Murray, die 76-jarige Dorwin Stoddard en die 79-jarige Phyllis Scheck is ook dood.

Die balju het die skuld gegee aan die vitrioliese politieke retoriek wat die land verteer het, en baie daarvan kom in Arizona voor.

"As jy na ongebalanseerde mense kyk, hoe hulle reageer op die vitriol wat uit sekere monde kom oor die afbreek van die regering. Die woede, die haat, die dwaasheid wat in hierdie land aangaan, word verregaande," het hy gesê. "En ongelukkig het Arizona, dink ek, die hoofstad geword. Ons het die mekka geword van vooroordeel en dwaasheid."

Giffords het dieselfde kommer uitgespreek, selfs voor die skietery. In 'n onderhoud nadat haar kantoor gevandaliseer is, het sy verwys na die vyandigheid teenoor haar deur konserwatiewes, insluitend Sarah Palin se besluit om Giffords se sitplek as een van die belangrikste 'teikens' tydens die middeltermynverkiesings te noem.

"Ons is byvoorbeeld op die doellys van Sarah Palin, maar die ding is dat die manier waarop sy dit voorstel, die hare van 'n geweer oor ons distrik het. As mense dit doen, moet hulle besef dat daar gevolge is tot hierdie aksie, ”het Giffords in 'n onderhoud met MSNBC gesê.

In die ure na die skietery het Palin 'n verklaring uitgereik waarin sy haar 'opregte meegevoel' met die familie van Giffords en die ander slagoffers betuig.

Tydens sy veldtogpoging om Giffords in November af te sit, het die Republikeinse uitdager Jesse Kelly fondsinsamelings gehou waar hy ondersteuners aangemoedig het om te help om Giffords uit die amp te verwyder deur saam met hom 'n volgelaaide M-16-geweer te skiet. Kelly is 'n voormalige marinier wat in Irak gedien het en op sy webwerf in militêre uitrusting op sy webwerf verskyn, terwyl hy sy outomatiese wapen vasgehou het en die geleentheid bevorder het.

'Ek sien nie die verband nie,' tussen die geldinsameling met wapens en die skietery op Saterdag, het John Ellinwood, Kelly se woordvoerder, gesê. 'Ek ken hierdie persoon nie; ons kan op geen manier rekords vind dat hy met die veldtog geassosieer is nie.

"Arizona is 'n staat waar mense vuurwapeneienaars is - dit was net 'n afwykende individu."

Wetstoepassers het gesê dat lede van die kongres in die eerste drie maande van 2010 42 gevalle van dreigemente of geweld aangemeld het, byna drie keer die 15 gevalle wat gedurende dieselfde tydperk 'n jaar tevore aangemeld is. Byna almal het die wetsontwerp op gesondheidsorg behandel, en Giffords was een van die doelwitte.

Die skietery het die Kapitool ontstel, aangesien politici van alle strepe die aanval as gruwelik bestempel het. Die Capitol -polisie het lede van die kongres gevra om meer waaksaam te wees oor veiligheid ná die skietery. Obama het sy FBI -hoof na Arizona gestuur.

Giffords, bekend as "Gabby", het kort voor die skietery getwiet en haar gebeurtenis "Congress on Your Corner" beskryf: "My eerste kongres op u hoek begin nou. Kom loer gerus in om my te laat weet wat u in gedagte het, of twiet my later . "

'Dit is nie verbasend dat Gabby vandag doen wat sy altyd doen en luister na die hoop en kommer van haar bure nie,' het Obama gesê. 'Dit is die kern van ons demokrasie.'

Mark Kimball, a communications staffer for Giffords, described the scene as "just complete chaos, people screaming, crying." The gunman fired at Giffords and her district director and started shooting indiscriminately at staffers and others standing in line to talk to the congresswoman, Kimball said.

"He was not more than three or four feet from the congresswoman and the district director," he said.

Doctors were optimistic about Giffords surviving as she was responding to commands from doctors. "With guarded optimism, I hope she will survive, but this is a very devastating wound," said Dr. Richard Carmona, the former surgeon general who lives in Tucson.

Giffords spokesman C.J. Karamargin said three Giffords staffers were shot. One died, and the other two are expected to survive. Gabe Zimmerman, a former social worker who served as Giffords’ director of community outreach, died. Giffords had worked with the judge in the past to line up funding to build a new courthouse in Yuma, and Obama hailed him for his nearly 40 years of service.

An uncle of the 9-year-old girl told the Arizona Republic that a neighbor was going to the event and invited her along because she had just been elected to the student council and was interested in government.

A former classmate described Loughner as a pot-smoking loner, and the Army said he tried to enlist in December 2008 but was rejected for reasons not disclosed.

Federal law enforcement officials were poring over versions of a MySpace page that included a mysterious "Goodbye friends" message published hours before the shooting and exhorted his friends to "Please don’t be mad at me."

In one of several Youtube videos, which featured text against a dark background, Loughner described inventing a new U.S. currency and complained about the illiteracy rate among people living in Giffords’ congressional district in Arizona.

"I know who’s listening: Government Officials, and the People," Loughner wrote. "Nearly all the people, who don’t know this accurate information of a new currency, aren’t aware of mind control and brainwash methods. If I have my civil rights, then this message wouldn’t have happen [sic]."

In Loughner’s middle-class neighborhood — about a five-minute drive from the scene — sheriff’s deputies had much of the street blocked off. The neighborhood sits just off a bustling Tucson street and is lined with desert landscaping and palm trees.

Neighbors said Loughner lived with his parents and kept to himself. He was often seen walking his dog, almost always wearing a hooded sweat shirt and listening to his iPod.

Loughner’s MySpace profile indicates he attended and graduated from school in Tucson and had taken college classes. He did not say if he was employed.

"We’re getting out of here. We are freaked out," 33-year-old David Cleveland, who lives a few doors down from Loughner’s house, told The Associated Press.

Cleveland said he was taking his wife and children, ages 5 and 7, to her parent’s home when they heard about the shooting.

"When we heard about it, we just got sick to our stomachs," Cleveland said. "We just wanted to hold our kids tight."

High school classmate Grant Wiens, 22, said Loughner seemed to be "floating through life" and "doing his own thing."

"Sometimes religion was brought up or drugs. He smoked pot, I don’t know how regularly. And he wasn’t too keen on religion, from what I could tell," Wiens said.

Lynda Sorenson said she took a math class with Loughner last summer at Pima Community College’s Northwest campus and told the Arizona Daily Star he was "obviously very disturbed." "He disrupted class frequently with nonsensical outbursts," she said.

In October 2007, Loughner was cited in Pima County for possession of drug paraphernalia, which was dismissed after he completed a diversion program, according to online records.

"He has kind of a troubled past, I can tell you that," Dupnik said.

Giffords was first elected to Congress amid a wave of Democratic victories in the 2006 election, and has been mentioned as a possible Senate candidate in 2012 and a gubernatorial prospect in 2014.

She is married to astronaut Mark E. Kelly, who has piloted space shuttles Endeavour and Discovery. The two met in China in 2003 while they were serving on a committee there, and were married in January 2007. Sen. Bill Nelson, chairman of the Senate Commerce Space and Science Subcommittee, said Kelly is training to be the next commander of the space shuttle mission slated for April. His brother is currently serving aboard the International Space Station, Nelson said.

Giffords is known in her southern Arizona district for her numerous public outreach meetings, which she acknowledged in an October interview with The Associated Press can sometimes be challenging.

"You know, the crazies on all sides, the people who come out, the planet earth people," she said with a following an appearance with Adm. Mike Mullen in which the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff was peppered with bizarre questions from an audience member. "I’m glad this just doesn’t happen to me."

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TUCSON CEREMONIES

Giffords says that she and her husband, retired astronaut and U.S. Navy Captain Mark Kelly, are proud gun owners. Last year, they founded Americans for Responsible Solutions to lobby and campaign for proposals to prevent gun violence.

The group said in a post on its website that it spent $600,000 in Virginia last year to oppose Republican candidates for governor and lieutenant governor due to their positions on guns. The two candidates lost in the November vote.

Giffords and a mother of a boy slain in the 2012 school shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, have also co-authored a lesson plan for classrooms to discuss the massacre that left 20 children and six adult staff members dead at Sandy Hook Elementary.

The man who shot Giffords, a college dropout with a history of psychiatric disorders, is serving a life sentence for the shooting at a Tucson area supermarket where Giffords was meeting constituents

Loughner, 25, pleaded guilty in 2012 to murdering six people and wounding 13 others, including Giffords. He admitted to going to the supermarket armed with a loaded Glock 19 pistol with the intention to assassinate her.

Those slain in the attack included U.S. District Judge John Roll and 9-year-old girl Christina-Taylor Green.

In Tucson on Wednesday, bells were rung to mark the anniversary of the shooting, including at one event attended by Mayor Jonathan Rothschild, who posted a photo on his Facebook page

U.S. Representative Ron Barber, a Democrat and former aide to Giffords wounded in the shooting and later elected to fill her former seat, led a moment of silence on the House floor, according to a statement from his office.

U.S. Senator John McCain, a Republican from Arizona, said in a statement that he joins citizens across the state “to pause and remember those lost in a senseless and shocking act of violence in Tucson three years ago.”

“We pray for the continued recovery of all those wounded, including my friend Gabrielle Giffords, whose courage and perseverance has inspired our state and nation,” he said.

Additional reporting by Brad Poole in Benson, Arizona, Writing by Alex Dobuzinskis Editing by Cynthia Johnston, James Dalgleish and Jonathan Oatis


How Arizona’s culture helped shape the shooting of Gabrielle Giffords

Sheriffs' deputies, the FBI and emergency medical personnel work the scene at the Safeway parking lot following the shooting of Arizona Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords and 18 others in January 2011. Six died.

Gabrielle Giffords' Arizona district was among those shown under a sniper's crosshairs on a map that appeared on Sarah Palin's website.

In March 2010, after her office was vandalized, Giffords told MSNBC that leaders "really need to realize that the rhetoric, firing people up . there's consequences . ."

Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio, a frequent dispenser of vitriol against undocumented immigrants, responds to Elias Bermudez, president of Immigrants Without Borders, during a protest in Phoenix in 2006.

Jared Lee Loughner, in a photo distributed by the Pima County Sheriff's Office after his arrest in the Tucson shooting spree.

Loughner's Tucson home, on the street called Soledad (Solitary), about five miles from the Safeway where the shooting took place.

Arizona State Sen. Lori Klein holds her Ruger LCP .380 in the Arizona State Senate members' lounge in Phoenix. Klein made national headlines after she brought a gun into the State Capitol days after the Tucson shooting, and again last month, for pointing it at a reporter. (Used with permission of The Arizona Republic. Permission does not imply endorsement.)

Gov. Jan Brewer shakes a finger at President Obama last month during his campaign stop in Phoenix.

If you're trying to understand the context in which Jared Lee Loughner shot Arizona Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords in the head on Jan. 8, 2011, you might begin with the embarrassing situation of the state Capitol building.

Faced with a huge budget shortfall, Arizona's Department of Administration has sold off the entire Capitol and some other key state properties. Sounds like a bad joke. But it isn't. The department announced in 2010 that it raised $735 million through a "sale-leaseback" in which a bank trustee takes charge of state facilities for 20 years while the state essentially pays rent to the new landlord. Other hocked properties include the Legislature's ugly neo-Bauhaus chambers and the nine-story tower where the governor's office is located, which has all the majesty of a medical-dental plaza. The buildings have few admirers, anyway. "My first choice would be to bulldoze them down and start over," Republican Sen. Jake Flake once told the state's largest newspaper, The Arizona Republic. "We don't have an Arizona Capitol people can be proud of." That indicates what many Arizonans think about government, including, no doubt, their congressional delegates.

Or you could meditate on the design of the Safeway shopping center where Giffords, a Democrat, was staging a "Congress on Your Corner" event, meeting constituents in the parking lot, when Loughner drew and rapidly fired his Glock 19 semiautomatic pistol, killing six people and wounding 13. Known as La Toscana Village, it's one of Arizona's countless characterless strip malls, located in the sprawl of northwest Tucson. The exterior façade has three arches vaguely reminiscent of the style in Italy's Tuscany region, which has become a popular veneer for Arizona developments. The Safeway anchoring it -- #1255 in the giant grocery chain -- is a so-called "Lifestyle Store," remodeled into an air-conditioned cavern with muted lights and gleaming displays of produce, cut flowers and a cornucopia of other products that have no relation whatever to the Arizona desert. La Toscana Village also hosts a Walgreens, a Sparkle Cleaners, a China Phoenix restaurant, a HoneyBaked Ham, a Great Clips for Hair, a manicure salon called Nails Art, and a Jenny Craig Weight Loss Center. It would be difficult to imagine a more banal public space, almost a nonspace, but it's popular with shoppers, partly because there are no real alternatives in the centerless spread of homes near the Santa Catalina Mountains. Lots of cars pull in and out, but there is zero foot traffic. As Jack Jewett, a former state legislator who used to sell ads for the Territorial newspaper, which serves northwest Tucson, says of the area, "It wasn't a true community. It was a place designed by developers. There was no real glue that held it together, no central character."

Or you could blame Arizona's explosive growth the population has more than doubled since 1980 to nearly 6.4 million today. That growth has come with a constant demographic churning. For every three people who move into an Arizona city in any given year, two others will move out, because their desert dreams have wilted or they're seeking better opportunities somewhere else. Jim Kolbe, a Republican who represented Giffords' district in Congress until he retired in 2006, has lived in his ranch-style home for 36 years, but he no longer knows a single person on his block. "It's a change in society," Kolbe says. "A breakdown in social bonds." Just 12 percent of Arizonans strongly agree that "people in our communities care about each other," according to a 2009 Gallup poll commissioned by the Center for the Future of Arizona. Even in the smallest community-building activities, Arizona fares dismally: "Arizona ranks 48th in the nation for people who say they trade favors with neighbors at least a few times a week -- watching one another's children, lending tools or kitchen supplies, house-sitting and other acts of kindness."

Or you could listen to Arizona's notoriously inflammatory political discourse, which often amounts to conjuring up demons that must then be vanquished. The targets include the undocumented immigrants sneaking across the Mexican border, despite the fact that they're essential workers in many local businesses the Arizona Legislature has passed some of the most aggressive laws in the nation targeting them, and talk-radio hosts spew out endless harangues about it. Arizona's political system as a whole tends to give more weight to extreme positions than to mainstream values. Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio -- the fame-seeking lawman who conducts anti-immigrant sweeps and forces jail inmates to live in tents surrounded by barbed wire -- is historically the state's most popular elected local official. "The real thing about Arizona is that we're all afraid," says Bill Hart, a senior policy analyst at Arizona State University's Morrison Institute for Public Policy. "The culture is changing, the economy is in a shambles, people's futures are not ensured. And so it's a springboard for ambitious politicians on all levels to play on that fear." Former Rep. Kolbe puts it this way: "The state is broken in so many ways. There's a sizable lack of leadership."

Gabrielle Giffords' last Republican opponent, in the 2010 general election, was a typical voluble upstart, Jesse Kelly. He served as a Marine in Iraq but had no political experience. At a Tea Party event in Douglas, on the Mexican border, Kelly compared Arizona's undocumented immigrants to terrorists in Iraq: "(Terrorists) want to kill everybody in this country. Unless we kill them first. . It's no different than the problem we face right . here on the border." Kelly often spoke contemptuously of the federal government, saying things like, "You will never again in your life have a government this putrid over you. . They (people in Congress and the White House) don't love America." He expressed support for eliminating Social Security, and at another forum, he said: "I can tell you what I think the federal government's role in education is, and that is none. Absolutely none. These federal mandates they put on schools and they put on states, it does nothing but crush us. Why is Gabrielle Giffords running our local schools?" Asked whether government should have a role in preventing future outbreaks of salmonella poisoning from tainted eggs, he said, "It's our job to protect ourselves. Because no one else is going to look out for your best interests except for you." Every man for himself. The government should even stop meddling with companies that sell poisonous eggs. Yet Kelly found an eager audience in the 8th Congressional District, which includes rural southeastern Arizona as well as portions of Tucson more than 134,000 Arizonans voted for him, and he came within a hairsbreadth of defeating Giffords.

During the 2010 race, Giffords was repeatedly branded as a menace to the American way of life. Her face was cast in sinister colors in attack ads all over Tucson. People reportedly called her office asking to speak to the "Communist bitch." Someone smashed the lights around a campaign sign in front of one of her volunteer's homes, and scrawled in marker across the sign: slut. The night after she voted for President Obama's health insurance reform, someone smashed the windows of her Tucson headquarters. She told MSNBC the next day, "Our office corner has become a place where the Tea Party movement congregates and the rhetoric is incredibly heated, not just the calls but the emails, the slurs."

Or you could consider Arizona's longtime love affair with guns. The state has some of the loosest gun laws in the country. You can carry a concealed pistol here without any permit or special training or even a background check for felonies. Only two other states -- Alaska and Vermont -- have laws this loose. There is no waiting period to buy a gun in Arizona, no law barring the mentally ill from buying guns, and no limit on the amount of ammunition in a gun's magazine. At one of Giffords' "Congress on Your Corner" events at a Safeway in Douglas in 2010, a handgun fell out of an angry man's pants. At Obama's August 2009 appearance in Phoenix, a 28-year-old man dramatized his protest by wearing a pistol and an AR-15 rifle slung across his chest he explained to the Republiek, "In Arizona, I still have some freedoms left." The act of carrying a handgun is about more than freedom, though it involves -- and encourages -- the assumption that the universe is hostile and capricious. In such a world, anyone who feels threatened needs to be able to end the life of another in a moment.

Or -- considering that Jared Lee Loughner suffered from paranoid schizophrenia when he bought his gun and ammo and then fired -- you could focus on Arizona's failure to address mental illness. The delusions caused by schizophrenia are known to take on political contours, and whenever they do, they reflect the local political culture -- as Loughner's certainly did. The disease's symptoms include hallucinations, paranoid fantasies of an unseen controller and bursts of inexplicable violence. Crushing loneliness is almost always both a side effect and an aggravator.

Loughner was born at the Tucson Medical Center in 1988 and grew up in a ranch house in a neighborhood called Orangewood Estates, about five miles west of Safeway #1255, on a street called North Soledad -- Spanish for "solitary." His parents -- Randy Loughner, a construction handyman, and Amy Loughner, manager of a county park called Agua Caliente -- first met at a rock concert, and they encouraged him to play saxophone and drums. But he was shy in elementary school and junior high, and experimented with binge drinking and marijuana he also vandalized street signs and played videogames for hours. Attempting to get his life on track, he earned a degree from an alternative high school, enrolled in Pima Community College classes, and tried to write poetry in the hope that others would enjoy it. He tackled books that challenge the intellect and ask penetrating questions about human existence. In his own way, Loughner was also asking those questions, trying to find a purpose for his life. Even when he was at his most garbled, he longed for a listener who could understand his point of view. He voted in elections and volunteered to help out at a book festival.

But nothing ever quite worked for Loughner. His universe was bounded by the spiritual numbness of chain stores. He worked at Peter Piper Pizza and Mandarin Grill, got fired from Quiznos and stomped away from his manager at Red Robin burgers. The best job he had was at Eddie Bauer, and he favored the food at In-and-Out Burger. He bought his gun at a Sportsman's Warehouse and the ammo at Walmart. Ultimately, he was an unemployed restaurant worker who was going slowly mad, in ways that were obvious to nearly everyone who met him -- going mad with peculiar political overtones. He made scenes inside fast-food restaurants and job centers, claiming his constitutional rights were being violated. The only real money was made of silver and gold, he insisted. He went to a forum where Giffords was speaking in 2007 and asked her: "What is government if words have no meaning?" He made so many bizarre statements in his Pima College classes that students and school officials got worried. The college police finally went to his house and read him a suspension notice, telling him he could not come back unless he had a statement verifying his mental health signed by a professional. But there is no indication that anybody tried to get any help for him. H. Clarke Romans, the executive director of the Tucson chapter of the National Alliance for the Mentally Ill, describes the college's response as: "Let's solve this problem by removing it from the area of our responsibility."

Arizona's system for providing mental health care to needy people has been on a starvation diet for a long time, despite pressure from a class-action lawsuit filed by advocates for improvements. Gov. Jan Brewer, a Republican who's been in office since 2003, has been unable to change that, despite having a schizophrenic son of her own. (Ronald Brewer has been locked up in the Arizona State Hospital since 1990, when a court found him not guilty by reason of insanity of a 1989 sexual assault and kidnapping.) Brewer initially proposed reforms and new programs for the seriously mentally ill, but the Legislature said no eventually, she made $36 million in cuts to mental health services.

Of course, all of these factors can be found in other states. And many Arizonans cherish their friendships, volunteer at charities and work to strengthen a sense of community, despite all the angry background noise. But that noise is especially pervasive and inescapable here, and perhaps by trying to understand what happened, we can learn something useful. At least, we can be honest about how bad things have become.

Sheriff Clarence Dupnik, the head of law enforcement in Pima County, surrounding Tucson city limits, is a friend of Giffords. He framed the mass-murder in stark terms in an emotional press conference: "I think it's time as a country that we need to do a little soul-searching, because it's the vitriolic rhetoric that we hear, day in and day out, from people in the radio business, and some people in the TV business. . This has not become the nice United States of America that most of us grew up in. . When you look at unbalanced people, how they respond to the vitriol that comes out of certain mouths, about tearing down the government -- the anger, the hatred, the bigotry that goes on in this country is getting to be outrageous, and unfortunately Arizona, I think, has become sort of the capital. We have become the mecca for prejudice and bigotry."

Dupnik was almost immediately hounded into silence by a virulent wave of criticism, but many in Tucson felt like he was on the right track. "Every time I hear that this (Loughner's shooting rampage) is just about a single sick individual -- that's so limiting, so naive and almost condescending," says Dan Ranieri, executive director of the La Frontera behavioral health centers in Tucson. "It defines a person just by an illness and it absolves people of their responsibilities. This event happened because of the extremism and the isolation of (people in) Arizona. And you have to talk about both. Nobody is going to convince me that didn't help pull the trigger."

One of the nation's foremost authorities on political assassination lives in a condo barely two miles from the Safeway. James A. Clarke is a professor emeritus at the University of Arizona and the author of On Being Mad or Merely Angry, a study of the psychology of John Hinckley, who tried to kill President Reagan in 1981, as well as American Assassins, a comprehensive exploration of the varied motivations behind many successful and would-be political assassins, from John Wilkes Booth on to the present day. Clarke found that those who plot violence against politicians are generally suffering from mental illness, and are also influenced by the culture at large. They are the product of a specific set of circumstances in a specific time. The idea that the political noise in the autumn of 2010 didn't influence Loughner's decision to shoot Giffords is, Clarke says, "pure nonsense."

"The toxicity of (Giffords' last campaign) was beyond anything I've ever experienced, and I've lived here 30 years," says Clarke. "I don't think the kid (Loughner) had a clear political rationale. It may not have been defined in liberal-conservative terms, but he was clearly anti-government, and the anti-government rhetoric was a major part of the campaign against Gabrielle Giffords." For someone like Loughner, who was spiraling into a paranoid schizophrenic view of the world, "Giffords was the government doing all these bad things." He adds: "All assassins have a history of social disconnection. And the neighborhoods here are some of the coldest and most distant that I've ever experienced."

I know this instinctively, because I grew up in one of those subdivisions, and I have not forgotten the loneliness. When I was 11, in 1980, my parents moved us from Phoenix to what was then the edge of Tucson, into a new subdivision that had a typical arbitrary name, Shadow Hills, about two miles from the Safeway. A Texas megacorporation, U.S. Home, had bought two square miles of desert and bladed streets that ignored the natural contours, with names like Camino Alberca (Swimming Pool Street) and Camino Padre Isidoro (Father Isidoro Street). To this day I have no idea who Father Isidoro was or if he even existed or was just a developer's picturesque invention. On the side of our house was a limbless saguaro cactus that was slowly dying one of the men who helped build the house had shot it repeatedly with a pneumatic nail gun, so its flank was full of rusting metal and its ribs were rotting from the wounds. There were no sidewalks I rode my bicycle in endless circuits past other houses that were like locked-up boxes. I knew no one in them, and seldom saw our neighbors except when they were sealed inside their cars.

My junior high school was called Orange Grove, though there were no orange groves anywhere in sight, just more cactus. As a newcomer, I ate lunch alone each day and got provoked into stupid fights. I learned to be on guard constantly, failed quizzes and stopped doing homework, instead watching hours of bad TV shows without any pleasure. My father kept a pistol hidden in a closet, and I found myself wondering what it would be like to shoot myself. After I read The Monkey Wrench Gang, Edward Abbey's novel about a group of desert eco-raiders, I began pulling up survey stakes on the empty Shadow Hills lots and tossing them in the washes, in a fatuous mini-protest against "development." Sometimes I sneaked into unfinished houses and smashed out the windows with rocks, or took lengths of rebar steel and flung them at saguaros, where they made a satisfying, fleshy thunk, and the cactus bled green juice like tears. I had nobody to talk with and even flunked seventh grade. At my high school, Canyon del Oro, I threw myself into the school newspaper. I loved everything about that: the way the page crystallized reality into neat columns the hard rationality of deadlines the chemical smell of the ink from the printers the sense of subversive power that came from being able to lob stink-bomb stories against some administrative outrage or another.

Most of all, I loved the way that the newspaper helped me feel like I belonged, without actually belonging. Taking on the role of a journalist allowed me to float among a variety of activities, watching and summarizing but not participating. The role forced me to talk to people, but I could keep my distance I didn't have to contribute anything other than a few pleasant questions. The journalist's posture of impartiality was never difficult for me I dodged commitment to any cause, and refused to believe that I belonged in Arizona. My buddies and I took our parents' cars out and ran over curbside garbage cans, flattening them and scattering trash in the xeriscaped yards like a mini-cyclone. We got arrested a time or two by Sheriff Dupnik's deputies for petty vandalism and other misdeeds. Massive shopping strips were springing up on all the important corners, and I took a job as a burger chef at a Carl's Jr. fast-food restaurant for minimum wage. The spattering from the processed meat left my uniform constantly greasy. I worked there for a year, addicted to the money that bought gasoline.

In search of a horizon I couldn't name, I escaped to a small liberal arts college in Wisconsin, and then I chased full-time newspaper jobs, deliberately changing papers and cities every few years. Eventually, I got hired by The Arizona Republic and moved back to Phoenix. I rented a loft apartment downtown with a view of urban palm trees and walked to work on cracked sidewalks, across the same routes where my grandmother had walked to her elementary school in the 1920s. I lunched with the lawyer-lobbyists who helped run things at the Capitol, often at Mexican restaurants where misters sprayed fogs of water to keep the patios cool. Twice a year, a nonpartisan policy group put on an event called Arizona Town Hall, in which participants in the governing class sequestered themselves in a resort hotel somewhere, to debate some important question. The Republic dutifully covered these confabulations, and when my number came up I was told to go to El Tovar, the historic lodge on the South Rim of the Grand Canyon, to write a couple of brief stories. The assignment was dull, but at a party the second night, I met Jim McNulty, an Irish prosecutor from Bisbee who represented Southern Arizona in Congress as a Democrat for a brief spell in the early 1980s. Sitting next to him was an attractive woman about my age, wearing an open-necked white blouse and a small gold chain necklace. Her hair was whiskey-colored and she had a mildly squeaky voice -- girlish but not unserious. When she laughed at something McNulty said, she squeezed her eyes shut and her cheekbones went even higher. She punched him on the arm with mock disdain. Her hands were small, with slender fingers and short unbitten fingernails. I learned that she was a newly elected member of the Arizona House of Representatives, named Gabrielle Giffords.

Our friendship began that night, as we talked about the sport of politics and walked around the mule corrals near the old hotel. She broadcast a bright interest in who I was and showed a touch of bemusement with her surroundings. She made friends as easily as other people breathe. She once told me that the best part of running for office was having a built-in excuse to approach strangers she wanted to talk with.

Gabby -- the nickname she enjoyed -- had grown up on Tucson's far-east side, in the family that owned El Campo Tire & Service, a local chain that branded itself "The Buck-Stretcher" in TV ads familiar to everyone in town. Her grandfather started the company as a single gas station in 1949 the son of a rabbi from Lithuania, he changed his name from Akiba Hornstien to Gif Giffords to avoid anti-Semitism. His son, Spencer, helped the company become successful its many outlets featured service bays with brick arches that framed the windows in a Taco Bell style. "El Campo" is Spanish for "The Countryside," and the company sold a lot of tires to Latino customers in Arizona and Mexico. Gabby's mother, Gloria -- nicknamed Jinx -- is a bespectacled art conservator who loves to show off her extensive collection of Southwestern art as well as her own oil paintings.

Gabby laughed about her last name. It sounded friendly and breezy, and was both the product of her grandfather's whimsy and proof of the American capacity for reinvention. She earned degrees in Latin American studies, sociology and urban planning at Scripps College in Southern California and Cornell University in upstate New York, where she played up her Arizona cowgirl heritage by wearing vests and cowboy boots to class. She came home to run her family's tire company when her father needed to slow down, and then began her political career by serving in the state Legislature from 2001 until 2005. The Arizona chapter of Mental Health America named her legislator of the year in 2004, partly for her work on a bill to prohibit insurers from cutting back on treatment of the mentally ill. (The Legislature refused to pass the bill.) When she quit to run for the congressional seat that Kolbe left open, I put my writing career on hold to work for her 2006 campaign, going door-to-door to talk with voters. When Gabby won, I visited her new office in Washington, D.C., and stayed overnight in her small apartment near Capitol Hill while she was away on business. I left her a few housewarming gifts, including a six-pack of Negro Modela beer with a blue index card taped to it, on which I wrote: "For Emergencies Only." Three years later, I swung through D.C. again when she was out of town and borrowed the keys to her apartment. That same pack of beer was inside the fridge, untouched, with the note still attached.

Congresswoman Giffords was still Gabby from down the block, and our friendship endured. She took me to the phone bank at the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and we lamented the scene: rows of cubicles with telephones on bare white desks, where members of Congress were supposed to dial for dollars in their free time. Later, at a cocktail fundraiser in a rich Democrat's apartment in New York City, she pulled me into the granite bathroom to show me her diamond engagement ring: Mark Kelly, an astronaut she'd been dating, had proposed to her just that afternoon. At that moment, she was giddy and nervous, but her speech to the crowd several minutes later was calm and measured. I attended her wedding in 2008 at an organic vegetable garden south of Tucson. Her gown was made from recycled material, and a line of Navy officers in dress whites saluted the couple with drawn swords. And then, in 2010, I paused my writing career again to work on her re-election campaign, in one of the nastiest elections I'd ever observed.

Gabby refused to demonize or dismiss her political opponents, even the obstructionists in the Arizona Legislature and Congress. She sought the kind of incremental change that comes through sweat and compromise, rather than indulging in grand, futile gestures. She supported solar energy, backed sane immigration reform that would reduce the number of immigrants dying in the desert, fought to make sure that federal college scholarships survived the budget cuts. I rarely asked her about congressional process I figured she got enough of that elsewhere. "Awww," she would say at the end of each phone conversation. "I miss you. When do I get to see you again?"

The fact that Arizona could produce such a wonderful person, and such a wonderful politician, justifies holding onto some optimism about the state -- and by extension, some optimism about the nation as a whole. Another bit of optimism can be found in the behavior of the people around Gabby on the day she was shot. In that bloody moment, with no time to think, some of them stepped in front of bullets to save loved ones, suffering serious and even fatal wounds. Amid all the chaos and horror, people took the crucial steps that saved Gabby's life despite the bullet that tore through her brain. They formed a community on the spot, one stitched together by bullets.

Yet even for those who insist that Arizona's society and politics had nothing to do with the shootings, one question remains: What did Arizona do to change things after the shootings? President Obama came to Tucson and gave a great speech in the packed University of Arizona basketball arena. "We recognize our own mortality," Obama said, "and are reminded that in the fleeting time we have on this earth, what matters is not wealth, or status, or power, or fame -- but rather, how well we have loved, and what small part we have played in bettering the lives of others." A nonpartisan National Institute for Civil Discourse was founded at the university within a few weeks, dedicated to furthering "respectful civil engagement and reasonable political debate."

But so far, little or nothing has changed in the state. Just two days after Loughner's rampage, Arizona State Sen. Lori Klein announced that she carries a pistol in her purse even when she's on the Senate floor. "I pack," she bragged. In its first session after the shootings, the Legislature proudly declared the Colt Single-Action Army Revolver the official state firearm. It also cut $510 million from the state's health care budget, including services to the mentally ill. And it even attempted to make it legal to carry a gun without restriction on college campuses, a bill vetoed by Gov. Brewer, who said its language could have been interpreted to allow guns in high schools. Because of the funding cuts, Community Partnership of Southern Arizona, the agency that distributes public dollars to mental health clinics in Tucson, had to lay off 30 people and eliminate 20 other positions, so now there are even fewer qualified professionals to stop a potential schizophrenic killer. Right-wing talk shows and politicians and gun advocates continue to deny all responsibility.

It seems unlikely that Gabby will recover fully. Her speech is halting, her walk unsteady. But she is fully herself. With her typical honesty and humility, she resigned from Congress a few weeks ago, roughly a year before the end of her term. She made the announcement in a video in which she wore a smile and spoke slowly: "I don't remember much from that horrible day, but I will never forget the trust you placed in me to be your voice. . I have more work to do on my recovery . so to do what's best for Arizona, I will step down."

The state of Arizona will celebrate its 100th birthday this year. The bland, underfunded and dispirited official parties will largely ignore the social unraveling that has followed more than a half-century of spectacular residential growth in a landscape stripped of meaningful history. Instead, spectacles like those furnished by Sheriff Arpaio will attempt a convincing masquerade of real leadership. Gov. Brewer recently shook a scolding finger in the president's face when he landed at a metro Phoenix airport for an early campaign swing. Her cheap and swaggering memoir -- titled Scorpions for Breakfast -- highlights her signing of the state's draconian anti-immigration law. It got a quick boost in sales from those who loved her combative tone, though it served nothing but ego.

A much better example of the kind of leadership Arizona needs was provided by Gabby Giffords. Her actions at the Safeway in the moments before she was wounded -- reaching out to strangers to help them navigate the circles of power -- is a good foundation for a new beginning. Not just for Arizona, but for the nation as a whole.

This story was funded with reader donations to the High Country News Research Fund.

Tom Zoellner teaches writing at Chapman University in Orange, Calif., and has authored five books. This essay is adapted from A Safeway in Arizona: What the Gabrielle Giffords Shooting Tells Us About the Grand Canyon State and Life in America, published last month by Viking.