Watter groepe mense was in die oudheid snags wakker?

Watter groepe mense was in die oudheid snags wakker?



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Ek het bewerings teëgekom dat prehistoriese mense nie veel geslaap het nie, wat blykbaar geëkspoleer word uit waarnemings van bestaande primitiewe kulture. Ek wonder of daar iets meer solied is vir 'n bietjie meer onlangse tyd, sê tydens 0-500 CE. Dit wissel waarskynlik per streek, miskien meestal afhangende van die ontwikkelingsvlak. 'N Paar groepe mense wat ek sekerlik in die nag kon opdink, sou wees

  • nagwagte
  • matrose
  • sterrekundiges
  • moontlik reishandelaars
  • mense wat in tavernes partytjie hou

Ek is nuuskierig oor watter groepe gedurende die nag aktief was, en ek is nie kieskeurig met betrekking tot die streek of watter deel van die oudheid werklik nie; alles wat redelik bekend is, sal interessant wees.

Vraag: Van watter groepe mense is dit bekend dat hulle in die ou tyd snags aktief was?


Afgesien van die Vigiles (basies, brandweermanne en polisie) genoem deur sempaiscuba in sy opmerking was daar 'n hele paar groepe mense wat snags in die keiserlike Rome bedrywig sou gewees het.

Miskien was die meeste huishoudelike slawe. Daar kan van hulle verwag word om 'n wye verskeidenheid pligte in die nag uit te voer, aangesien die meeste te alle tye beskikbaar sou wees:

  • doen boodskappe (bv. dra boodskappe)
  • as die meester uitgaan, sal slawe nodig wees om die pad met fakkels aan te steek of beskerming te bied
  • bedien by bankette en is oor die algemeen byderhand om dinge te gaan haal, gaste te waai of diegene wat te veel gedrink het, by te staan

Pompeii: "skildery van 'n feesmaal van die westelike muur van triclinium. Einde van die banket. Die gaste staan ​​op, maar een van hulle kan nie opstaan ​​sonder hulp3." Bron: Pompeii in Pictures

  • slawe in die slaapkamer was snags in of naby die slaapkamer van die meester / meesteres (selfs as paartjies besig was om uit te kom) as hy / sy iets nodig het

"Fresco van 'n paartjie in die bed. Man praat met sy skaam bruid. 'N Dienskneg links kyk na die toneel." Bron: Wikipedia.

  • wagte en deurwagters
  • verpleegsters vir babas
  • Die weef en garing is gedoen deur die vroulike slawe van minder ryk Romeine wat dikwels hul dienaars meervoudige taak gehad het.

Onder ander groepe wat snags aktief was, was:

  • Tempelbediendes
  • Werkers in tavernes en bordele
  • Straatverkopers
  • Soldate wat as wagte dien vir leërs wat die nag kamp opgeslaan het
  • Bakers moes vroeg opstaan ​​om brood voor te berei
  • Wa bestuurders lewer goedere af
  • Vissers
  • Vermaak, veral musikante
  • Christene het soms in die nag ontmoet
  • Sommige skrywers sou snags skryf; dit was bekend as lucubratio. Dit kon eenvoudig laat werk het, of wakker geword het en dan weer gaan slaap. Dit kan ook wissel met die seisoene, soos die geval was met Plinius die Oudere en Plinius die Jongere
  • Volgens S. Sticka, "Juvenal vertel die belangrikheid van vaders wat hul seuns oplei om in die middel van die nag wakker te word om hul take te kan verrig."
  • Sommige slawe het hulle ook snags tot misdaad gewend (soos voorgestel deur @bof in sy kommentaar).

Soos Jason Linn uitwys in sy doktorale proefskrif, Die donker kant van Rome (2014) baie van hierdie werk was vervelig

Baie nagwerke het nie net periodes van wag meegebring nie, maar dikwels alleen gewag: wagte wag vir moeilikheid; verpleegsters wag op slapende kinders; prostitute wag op kliënte ... Met baie vrye tyd moes baie nagwerkers wakker bly en alleen verveling verduur ... Sommige wagte was selfs vasgeketting aan hul poste.


Ander bronne:

Shaun Sticka Gesegmenteerde slaap in die eerste-eeuse Romeinse samelewing (Magistertesis, 2017)

K. D. Matthews, Die gevegsbestuurder in antieke Rome

A. R. Ekirch, By Day's Close


Vroueregte

Vroueregte is die regte en regte wat wêreldwyd vir vroue en meisies geëis word. Hulle vorm die basis vir die vroueregtebeweging in die 19de eeu en die feministiese bewegings gedurende die 20ste en 21ste eeu. In sommige lande word hierdie regte geïnstitusionaliseer of ondersteun deur wet, plaaslike gebruik en gedrag, terwyl dit in ander geïgnoreer en onderdruk word. Hulle verskil van breër opvattings oor menseregte deur bewerings van 'n inherente historiese en tradisionele vooroordeel teenoor die uitoefening van regte deur vroue en meisies, ten gunste van mans en seuns. [1]

Kwessies wat algemeen verband hou met opvattings oor vroueregte, sluit in die reg op liggaamlike integriteit en outonomie, om vry te wees van seksuele geweld, om te stem, om 'n openbare amp te beklee, om regskontrakte aan te gaan, om gelyke regte in familiereg te hê, om te werk, om billike lone of gelyke salarisse, reproduktiewe regte, eiendomsbesit en opvoeding. [2]


Die inwoners van die land

Clans in die Sydney -streek en#8211 met vergunning van dr Val Attenbrow, 2010

Duisende jare voor die aankoms van die Europeërs, is die noorde van Sydney deur verskillende Aboriginale stamme beset. Hulle woon hoofsaaklik langs die voorhoof van die hawe en hengel en jag in die waters en die binneland van die gebied en haal kos uit die omliggende bos. Hulle was selfversorgend en harmonieus en hoef nie ver van hul land af te reis nie, aangesien die hulpbronne daaroor groot was en handel met ander stamgroepe goed gevestig was. As hulle volgens hul seisoene deur hul land beweeg, hoef hulle net ongeveer 4-5 uur per dag te werk om hul voortbestaan ​​te verseker. Met so 'n groot hoeveelheid vrye tyd beskikbaar, het hulle 'n ryk en ingewikkelde rituele lewe ontwikkel - taal, gebruike, spiritualiteit en die wet - waarvan die hart verbind was met die land.


Die Linton -paneel

San (Boesmans) pa en sy baba

Watter probleme ondervind boesmans vandag?
Die Boesmans het hul tuislande binnegeval deur Bantoe -stamme van ongeveer 1500 jaar gelede en deur wit koloniste die afgelope paar honderd jaar. Sedertdien het hulle te kampe gehad met diskriminasie, uitsetting uit hul voorvaderlande, moord en onderdrukking wat neerkom op 'n massiewe, maar onuitgesproke volksmoord, wat hulle in aantal van miljoene tot 100,000 verminder het. Alhoewel almal vandag die idee het dat hul leefstyl 'primitief' is en dat hulle soos die meeste veeteeltstamme moet leef, verskil die spesifieke probleme na gelang van waar hulle woon.


In Suid -Afrika, byvoorbeeld, het die! Khomani nou die meeste van hul grondregte erken, maar baie ander Boesmanstamme het glad nie grondregte nie.

Situasie in Namibië
'N Redelik groot gemeenskap boesmans, die Ju/' hoansi, woon vandag aan weerskante van die grens tussen Namibië en Botswana, genaamd Boesmanland. Hierdie groep is sedert 1951 bestudeer, verfilm en bygestaan ​​deur Westerse geleerdes.

Die akademiese studies duur tot vandag toe voort en dit is onder die algemene leiding van die "Ju/wa Boesman
Development Foundation "wat in wese 'n groep besorgde individue en akademici is. In 1991, met die stigting van die" Nyae Nyae Farmers Cooperative "en met verteenwoordiging en leiding van die" Ju/wa Bushman Development Foundation ", het hulle daarin geslaag om grondregte te bekom binne Boesmanland.
Hulle mag steeds binne die grense jag, ten spyte daarvan dat dit 'n wildbewaringsgebied is, solank hulle tradisionele metodes gebruik. Dit beteken geen vuurwapens, honde, voertuie of perde nie, reëls wat soms oortree word en gewoonlik 'n gevangenisstraf van die oortreders tot gevolg het.

Een van die grootste probleme is alkoholisme, wat hoofsaaklik teweeggebring is deur 'n weermag wat in die plaaslike stad Tsumkwe gestasioneer is, en alkohol na die streek gebring het, ondanks die verbod van die regering om drank in te bring. Omdat daar feitlik geen verdraagsaamheid teenoor alkohol was nie, was daar 'n massiewe toename in dronkenskap, alkoholisme en misdaad, met 'n algemene afname in gesinsstrukture en welstand in die gemeenskap.


Situasie in Botswana – Sentraal -Kalahari Boesmans
Die Gana (G // ana) en Gwi (G/wi) stamme in Botswana se sentrale Kalahari -wildreservaat is een van die
vervolg. Die Botswana -regering het die eienaarskap van die grond waarop hulle al duisende jare woon, nie erken nie, maar het feitlik almal daarvan afgedwing. In die vroeë tagtigerjare is diamante in die reservaat ontdek. Kort daarna het regeringsministers die reservaat binnegegaan om die Boesmans wat daar woon te vertel dat hulle sou moes vertrek weens die diamantvonds.

In drie groot klaring, in 1997, 2002 en 2005, is feitlik al die Boesmans uitgedwing. Hulle huise is afgebreek, hul skool- en gesondheidspos is gesluit, hul watertoevoer is vernietig en die mense is gedreig en weggery.
Byna almal is uitgedwing deur hierdie taktiek, maar 'n groot aantal het sedertdien teruggekeer, en nog baie meer is desperaat om dit te doen. Hulle woon nou in hervestigingskampe buite die reservaat. Hulle is selde in staat om te jag, en in hegtenis geneem en geslaan as hulle dit doen, is hulle afhanklik van regeringsuitdeelstukke. Hulle word nou aangegryp deur alkoholisme, verveling, depressie en siektes soos TB en MIV/vigs.

Alhoewel die Boesmans in 2006 die reg in die hof gekry het om terug te gaan na hul land, het die regering alles in sy vermoë gedoen om hul terugkeer onmoontlik te maak. Sedertdien het die regering meer as 50 Boesmans gearresteer omdat hulle gejag het om hul gesinne te voed, en die Boesmans verbied om hul waterboorgat te gebruik.
Honderde verdwyn steeds in hervestigingskampe, nie in staat of bang om huis toe te keer nie. Tensy hulle kan terugkeer na hulle
vaderland, hul unieke samelewings en lewenswyse sal vernietig word, en baie van hulle sal sterf.

Botswana - Ghanzi Boesmans
Boesmans in die stad Ghanzi dien sedert die vroeë 20ste eeu as veewagters vir Afrikaanse boere. Hulle het in grootliks onomheinde afdelings gewerk. Daar was nog 'n paar voordele vir die Boesmans, aangesien wild nog redelik volop was, terwyl hulle die voordele kry van melk, geld en selfs koeie wat soms doodgaan.

San People in Botswana

Dit alles het aansienlik verander, met vergunning van die Europese Gemeenskapsmark, wat in hul wysheid 'n baie hoë prys vir Botswana se beesvleis aangebied het, solank hulle groot maatreëls tref om siektes te bekamp om bek en bek, miltsiekte en 'n paar ander endemiese siektes uit te skakel. Dit het gelei tot 'n uitgebreide omheining van wildbeheer om die beeste te skei van die wildlewe wat deur siektes geteister word. Onomheinde gebiede met matige wildlewe het omhein geraak in lande met 'n katastrofiese afname in wildgetalle weens 'n afname in die kuddes en#8217 migrasieroetes om droogte die hoof te bied.

Die gemeenskaplike mark (later die Europese Ekonomiese Gemeenskap) was gelukkig en het die groot pryse betaal, terwyl die jag op bestaanswild betekenisloos geword het. Die vee -monokultuur het die plantmense van die boesmans verder vernietig en 'n ernstige impak op hul tradisionele jagter- en versamelaarstyl gehad.


Suid -Afrika - Khomani Boesmans
Hierdie Boesmans van die Kalahari Gemsbok Nasionale Park (nou die Kgalagadi -oorgrenspark) -streek is tussen 1931, nadat dit gestig is, uit die reservaat uitgestoot, en 1973 toe die laaste uiteindelik uitgesit is. Hulle het aanvanklik gedurende hierdie tydperk beperkte assessering en werk binne die reservaat toegelaat, maar is uiteindelik deur die bestuur verwyder.

San People in Kaapstad, SA

Ten spyte van baie pogings om toegang tot hul tradisionele jaggebiede te kry, is toegang geweier op grond daarvan dat dit 'n probleem van toeriste sou word. Dit was ten spyte van die geldige argument dat die groot suidwestelike gebied versoek is vir besoekers aan die reservaat en daarom geen probleme mag veroorsaak nie. Hulle bly 'n klein verarmde groep wat hulself grotendeels geïntegreer het in die gemengde bruin gemeenskappe wat langs die rand van die reservaat ontwikkel het, en werk waar moontlik vir plaaslike boere.

'N Groep boesmans wat nog gedeeltelik hul tradisionele lewe en gesinsstruktuur volg, onder hul leier Dawid Kruiper, was uiteindelik suksesvol in 1999 toe 40 000 hektaar grond langs die Kgalagadi Park deur die regering van plaaslike boere gekoop en aan die Khomani teruggegee is gemeenskap. In 2001 is ooreengekom dat 'n bykomende 25 000 hektaar van die Kalahari Gemsbokpark aan hulle terugbesorg moet word vir bestuurde gebruik, maar nie vir verblyf nie.

Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park San (Boesmans) en sy seun

Spanning tussen die tradisionele en verwesterde boesmans het tot verskillende magstryd gelei, maar sommige van die boesmans gaan steeds af en toe jag en versamel. Boonop het die luukse lodge in Xaus onlangs in die suidwestelike deel van Kgalagadi Park geopen.

San folklore
Die skepping van die eerste Boesmans
Aangesien die Boesmans in 'n baie droë gebied gewoon het, het water vir hulle 'n baie magiese krag wat hulle kan laat herleef. In die skeppingslegende verskyn Mantis en die hele wêreld is nog steeds bedek met water. 'N By ('n simbool van wysheid) dra Mantis oor die onstuimige waters van die oseaan. Die by het egter baie moeg geword en laer en laer gevlieg. Hy het gesoek na vaste grond, maar hy het net al hoe meer moeg geword. Maar toe sien hy 'n blom wat op die water dryf. Hy het Mantis in die blom neergelê en in hom die saad van die eerste mens. Die by het verdrink, maar toe die son opkom, het Mantis wakker geword en uit die saad wat die by verlaat het, is die eerste mens gebore.

Mantis en sy gesin
Die boesmans beskou die Mantis nie as 'n god nie, maar eerder as 'n wese. Hulle is nie die enigste beskawing wat hierdie oortuiging het nie en ander Afrikaanse stamme beskou dit as 'n God. Selfs die Grieke het geglo dat dit goddelike en magiese kragte het. Mantis is 'n Griekse woord wat goddelik of waarsêer beteken. Oor die hele wêreld word baie legendes oor hierdie magiese wese vertel. Vir die Boesmans is hy egter 'n 'droomboesman'. Hy is baie menslik. Baie skilderye van die boesmans is 'n Boesman met die kop van 'n Mantis.

Mantis het ook 'n groot gesin. Sy vrou is Dassie (rock hyrax). Sy seun is ook 'n Mantis en hy het ook 'n aangenome dogter, Porcupine. Haar regte pa is die bose monster genaamd die All-Devourer vir wie sy te bang is. Ystervark is getroud met 'n wese wat deel uitmaak van die reënboog, genaamd Kwammanga. Hulle het twee seuns, Mongoose of Ichneumon en dan Kwammanga, na sy pa. Mantis het ook 'n suster, Blue Crane, waarvoor hy baie lief is.


Die bobbejane
Die bobbejane was lankal klein mense soos die Boesmans, maar hulle was baie ondeund. Hulle was mal daaroor om moeilikheid te maak. Op 'n dag het Cagn sy con Cogaz gestuur om stokke te gaan soek wat hulle kon gebruik om boë te maak. Toe die klein mense hom sien, dans hulle om die seuntjie en skree: "Jou pa dink hy is slim en wil boë maak om ons dood te maak, nou maak ons ​​jou dood!" Hulle het gedoen soos hulle gesê het en Cogaz se lyk is in 'n boom gehang. Die klein mense dans weer en sing: "Cagn dink hy is slim!"

Toe word Cagn wakker uit sy slaap. Hy het 'n gevoel dat daar iets fout is, en hy het hi vrou Coti gevra om sy sjarme vir hom te bring. Hy het gedink en gedink. Toe kom dit by hom. Hy het besef wat die klein mense aan sy seun gedoen het. Hy het dadelik na sy seun gaan soek. Toe die klein mense hom sien aankom, begin hulle 'n ander lied sing.
'N Klein dogtertjie wat daar naby gesit het, het vir Cagn gesê dat hulle iets anders sing voor hy kom. Hy beveel hulle om te sing wat die meisie voorheen gehoor het. Toe hy dit hoor, beveel hy hulle om te bly waar hulle is totdat hy terugkom. Hy het teruggekeer met 'n mandjie vol penne. Terwyl hulle dans, ry hy 'n pen in elkeen van hulle se agterkant. Hulle het na die berge gevlug omdat hulle nou sterte gehad het en by diere begin leef het. Cagn klim toe in die boom en gebruik sy towerkuns om sy seun op te wek.

Hoe Mantis vuur van Volstruis gesteel het
Mantis het ook die Boesmans vuur gegee. Voor dit het mense hul kos geëet, soos al die ander roofdiere, rou. Hulle het ook snags geen lig gehad nie en was omring deur duisternis. Mantis het opgemerk dat Volstruis se kos altyd baie lekker ruik en besluit om te kyk wat hy aan sy kos doen. Toe hy eendag naby sluip, sien hy hoe Volstruis vuur onder sy vlerk haal en sy kos daarin doop. Nadat hy geëet het, steek hy die vuur onder sy vlerk terug.

Mantis het geweet Volstruis sou hom nie die vuur gee nie, en hy het 'n truuk beplan om volstruis van hom te steel. Op 'n dag bel hy volstruis en wys hom 'n boom met heerlike pruime. Terwyl die volstruis begin eet, het Mantis vir hom geskreeu dat die beste daarbo was. Volstruis spring al hoe hoër en sodra hy sy vlerke oopmaak, het Mantis die vuur van hom gesteel en weggehardloop. Volstruis was baie skaam hieroor en het sedert daardie dag sy vlerke teen sy sye gedruk en sal nooit vlieg nie.

Die reënboog
Reën was eens 'n pragtige vrou wat in die lug gewoon het. Sy het 'n reënboog om haar middel gedra en sy was getroud met die skepper van die aarde. Hulle het drie dogters gehad. Toe die oudste dogter grootgeword het, het sy haar ma gevra om aarde toe te gaan. Haar ma het haar toestemming gegee, maar sodra sy afgaan, trou sy met 'n jagter. Terwyl sy weg was, het Rain nog 'n kind gehad. Hierdie keer 'n seuntjie wat sy Son-eib genoem het. Toe hy oud genoeg was, het sy susters vir Rain gevra of hulle almal kan gaan om die wêreld te sien. Uit vrees om hulle almal te verloor, wou Rain nie hê dat hulle moes gaan nie. Maar toe sê 'n vriend Wolf wat van die twee dogters hou, dat hy hulle sal vergesel en na hulle sal kyk. Die pa glo hierdie goddelose dier en gee sy toestemming.


Watter groepe mense was in die oudheid snags wakker? - Geskiedenis

& quotA onder ons mense, mans sowel as vroue was mandjiesmakers. Alles in ons leefstyl was gekoppel aan die mandjies. Ons lewens was gekoppel aan die manier waarop mandjies aan mekaar vasgemaak was. & Quot Susan Billy, Ukiah Pomo, meesterwewer, onderwyser

Die kaart hierbo toon Pomo-gemeenskappe wat in die vroeë negentigerjare weer gefederaliseer is (erken as voorbehoude), toe Veronica Velarde Tiller die massiewe hedendaagse tyd saamgestel het American Indian Reservations and Trust Areas (1996) kragtens 'n toekenning van die Amerikaanse Ekonomiese Ontwikkelingsadministrasie. Nie almal het weer federale status bereik nie, maar dit word nie op hierdie kaart getoon nie (wat aangepas is by Tiller).

Die woord 'Pomo', wat volgens sommige afgelei is van Poma, die naam van 'n spesifieke dorp, is aan die begin van die eeu deur antropoloë aan ons gegee. As gevolg van ooreenkomste tussen ons mandjie en kultuur, het antropoloë ons gerieflik as 'n groep beskou. Eintlik is daar meer as 70 verskillende stamme in die Pomo -land. Ons het oorspronklik 7 verskillende tale gehad, maar slegs 3 word nog gepraat. Wat mandjie betref, is daar egter 'n gemeenskaplikheid in ons weefwerk -die vorms, materiale en tegnieke wat ons gebruik. & Quot - Susan Billy

Hier is nog 'n gemeenskaplikheid, wat voortspruit uit interaksies met Europeërs. Dit is bekend dat die Mexikaans-Spaanse in die vroeë 18de eeu 'n reeks missies langs die kus van Kalifornië gestig het. Indiane is militêr bymekaargemaak, gedwing om in sendinghuisies te woon (wat mans en vroue geskei gehou het) en dwangarbeid vir die kerk en vir Mexikaanse landbouers te doen. Ongeveer 2/3 van alle Kalifornië -Indiane is in minder as 100 jaar hiervan doodgemaak weens Europese siektes en harde arbeid. Net soos die meeste stamme in Noord -Kalifornië, is die Pomo minder hierdeur geraak, behalwe af en toe oproerige samesmeltings, omdat die reeks missies net noord van San Francisco geëindig het. Costanoan- en Wappo -stamme vorm 'n gedeeltelike buffer vir Spaanse invalle.

B ut die Pomo is gedurende die 18de eeu binnegeval deur Russiese pelshandelaars, wie se wrede maniere ook langs die kus van Alaska onder Aleut, Yuupik, Tlingit en ander noordwestelike kusstamme uitgevoer is. Inderdaad, deur die middel van die Pomo -land (wat vandag bestaan ​​uit die Kaliforniese graafskappe Mendocino, Lake en Sonoma) loop die rivier, nog steeds die Russiese rivier genoem, na hierdie afwykings. Die Russiese pelshandel is in 1799 gereël toe een onderneming 'n monopoliehandves van die tsaar ontvang het. In 1812 het die Russe 'n permanente basis by Fort Ross op Bodega-baai gevestig, wat die hoofbron was van die pelsdiere wat hulle gesoek het: die nou amper uitgestorwe see-otter.

B odega -baai was die belangrikste kusgebied vir die somer van Pomo. Hulle het die oorvloedige mossels gesoek, gehengel en rob- en voël -eiers gekry uit rotse uit die see. Die Russiese uitbuiting van hierdie basis, die suidelike grens van hul pelsryk in 1812-1841, was byna geheel en al van die Pomo-mense.

Die Russiese metode was om 'n dorp aan te val en al die vroue en kinders te ontvoer. Die vroue is gebruik as hoere en huishoudings, kinders en ouer vroue wat op die werkgebied gemaak is. Hulle was gyselaars vir die mans se dwangarbeid: om pelse, vleis en visvoorrade in te bring. Almal het die velle gewerk. Vroue en kinders is gemartel en vermoor om nakoming af te dwing. Die Pomo (en nog baie verder noord, die Tlingit) was die enigste groepe wat 'n gesamentlike weerstand teen hierdie brutale uitbuiting gekry het. Hier is 'n skoongemaakte, sagte toeriste-weergawe. Veral opmerklik is die fyn vermelding van 'huwelik met inheemse vroue' en hul manier om verkragting te beskryf.

Eerstens was hierdie verset individuele en klein groeppogings - sabotasies en af ​​en toe aanvalle op opsieners, ontsnappings - alhoewel dit gehelp het om die taalkundig uiteenlopende mense, wat nooit een verenigde stam was nie, te verenig. (Die Pomo -tale, hoewel dit dialekte genoem word, is nie onderling verstaanbaar nie.) Maar teen die tyd dat die Russe hierdie buitepos verlaat het en die Amerikaners met die ontdekking van goud in 1848 begin aankom het, was die Pomo -bevolking verminder deur moord, wat die arbeid verswak het. en veral deur siektes, net soos die effek verder suid van die Spaanse Katolieke sendingstelsel.

P omo-mense was tradisioneel wat beskryf is as "die gelders" van Noord-Sentraal-Kalifornië. Daar was twee soorte handelsartikels wat as geld gedien het, dit wil sê items met min of meer standaard handelswaarde. (Die waarde word groter hoe verder hierdie items uit die bron kom.) Geld was krale. Meestal uit Bodega-baai kom die skulpdoppies rondom die rande van albei mandjies, plat, knoppie-agtige skywe wat 'n glans en glans kry met jare se hantering. Vir handel is dit in snare gehou, gemaak met noukeurige breedtes en presiese diameters, sodat die aantal kraleskyfies op 'n tou gemeet en getel kon word. Die Pomo het 'n uitgebreide nommer- en rekenkundige stelsel - basis 20 en eenhede van 400 - om hul waarde by te hou, wat wissel volgens deursnee, dikte en fynheid van poetsmiddel.

Die tweede soort geldkrale, wat beheer word deur die suidoostelike Pomo, was gemaak van 'n grys-wit-buffel mineraal genaamd magnesiet, waarvan 'n neerslag by White Buttes, naby Cache Creek, was. As dit afgevuur word, word dit 'n pragtige pienk, oranje, buffelvormige skakering, dikwels met stukke gesmelte kwartsiet en ander minerale wat bydra tot die komplekse skaduwees. Dit is gemaak van tapse silinders (en soms ronde krale). Terwyl die skulpskyfies verhandel is in waardes gebaseer op snare, is magnesietkrale baie hoër gewaardeer en afsonderlik verhandel - Pomo -mense het die clamshell -skywe & quotour silver & quot en die magnesite ones & quotour gold. & Quot genoem toe hulle dit aan Amerikaners vertel het.

'N Kort tydjie voor sy dood, in 1930, vertel Benson vir sommige geskiedkundiges in Kalifornië die verhaal van 'n onbekende Amerikaanse leërmoord op Pomo-mense in 1850, wat begrawe is in 'n obskure Kaliforniese geskiedenisjoernaal van 1931. Dit lyk asof dit die eerste bloedbad van byna alle inwoners van die vreedsame dorp wat deur die Amerikaanse weermag uitgevoer is-'n soort opwarming vir latere, meer bekende infamies, soos die dagbreek-slagting van Black Kettle's Cheyenne-band by Sand Creek, in 1864, Nez Perce en Walla Walla, in die 1870's.

Ek het nie op Clear Lake, die grootste varswaterliggaam in Kalifornië, voorgekom nie. (Op die kaart is dit in die oranje gebied van Lake County, met baie Pomo rancherias wat met alfabetletters aangedui is.)

Van die mishandelde Amerikaners, Charles Stone en Andrew Kelsey, het honderde Pomo gevang en gekoop en hulle gedwing om as slawe te werk op 'n groot plaas wat hulle in 1847 by Mexikane oorgeneem het. Miskien was dit vir hierdie twee dat die muilband slawe die Pomo -kinders geneem het om te verkoop, soos Elsie Allen op haar bladsy beskryf. Slawerny was onwettig in Kalifornië nadat die VSA dit verkry het deur die verdrag van Guadalupe Hidalgo, wat die Amerikaanse oorlog met Mexiko in 1848 beëindig het. Maar dit geld slegs vir swartes, nie vir Indiërs nie. Hier is 'n verslag van die weermag wat slawe vir boere afrond. Amerikaners het Indiërs in Kalifornië tot slawe gemaak, waar hulle hulle ook al gevind het, vir dwangmynbou en landbouarbeid. Hier is Benson se beskrywing van wat tot die slagting gelei het:

Ongeveer 20 ou mense sterf in die winter as gevolg van hongersnood. As gevolg van erge sweep het 4 gesterf. 'N Neef van 'n Indiese dame wat gedwing is om by Stone te woon (as sy hoer) is deur Stone doodgeskiet. As 'n pa of moeder van 'n jong meisie deur Stone of Kelsey gevra is om die meisie [vir seks] na sy huis te bring, sou hy of sy aan die hande opgehang en geslaan word. Baie ou mans en vroue sterf weens vrees of hongersnood. & Quot

Eendag vroeg in 1850 het Shuk en Xasis, wat die veekuddes bewerk het, een van Kelsey se perde verloor. Omdat hulle bang was vir hul onvermydelike straf (hulle sou doodgeslaan word), vergader hulle in raad met al die slawe om te besluit wat hulle moet doen.

Alle mans het bymekaargekom by die huis van Xasis. Hier het hulle die hele nag gedebatteer. Shuk en Xasis wou Stone en Kelsey doodmaak. Hulle het gesê dat hulle doodgemaak sal word sodra die wit mans agterkom hul perd is weg. & Quot

5 Pomo -manne moes eers toeslaan. Hulle het beide Stone en Kelsey vermoor. Die mense het na die heuwels gevlug en verwag dat die Amerikaanse soldate sou kom. Hulle was van plan om hierdie troepe in 'n vreedsame raad te ontmoet en die toestande van brutale slawerny te verduidelik wat gelei het tot wat hulle gedoen het.

In Mei 1850 het 'n groep soldate onder leiding van kapt. Nathaniel Lyon die Clear Lake -gebied binnegegaan om die Indiane vir die moorde te straf. Omdat hulle nie die groep slawe kon vind wat gevlug het nie, val hulle 'n klein dorpie Pomo, Badonnapoti, aan op 'n eiland aan die noordkant van die meer - later deur die Pomo Bloody Island genoem. Hierdie eiland was voorheen die heilige seremoniële plek van 'n kompleks van dorpe rondom die noordelike deel van Clear Lake.

Manne, vroue en kinders wat nie kon vlug nie, is daar deur die Amerikaanse leër vermoor. Op pad huis toe gaan die troepe voort met hul bloedige optrede en vermoor elke Indiese groep wat hulle teëgekom het - meestal Pomo -groepe. Dit is net nie in die geskiedenisboeke nie, selfs nie goed nie; ek het dit gevind toe ek na hierdie bladsye ondersoek het. Miskien was geskiedkundiges in die verleentheid dat die meeste van hul inligting uit Kaliforniese koerante sou kom, soos hierdie opskrifte van Eureka Humboldt Times: "Good Haul of Diggers," 38 dollar gedood, 40 squaws en kinders. & quot & quot Band uitgeroei! Die Noord -Kaliforniër wat dit anders bedek het, vertel van 'Onoordeelkundige slagting van onskuldige Indiërs - Vroue en kinders wat geslag is' wat die besonderhede van die wrede Bloody Island -slagting dek met bylae en byle van 188 vreedsame mans, vroue en kinders in hul dorpe. Die jeugdige redakteur, die westerse kortverhaalskrywer Bret Harte, moes daarna vlug voor 'n lynch-skare wat sy drukpers verpletter het omdat hy die waarheid daaroor wou waag. Hier is 'n verslag van een van die slagtings.

B loody Island het blykbaar 'n presedent geskep vir soortgelyke weermagmoorde op laer in die vlaktes en gevestigde plaasdorpe onder die Navajo. Hierdie meer bekende gebeurtenisse het meestal na die burgeroorlog plaasgevind. Die slagting en afrondings van die Pomo het voor hom plaasgevind, net 1 jaar nadat die VSA beheer oor Kalifornië oorgeneem het, na sy oorwinning in die Mexikaanse oorlog. Hier is 'n gedetailleerde verslag van Russ Imrie (wat die California Costanoan Tribal -webwerf bestuur) oor hoe die wet gebruik is om die Indiese bevolking van Kalifornië te verslaaf.

In 1851-52 het 'n verdragskommissie Kalifornië besoek en 18 verdrae met die meeste stamme in Kalifornië onderteken, wat ongeveer 8,5 miljoen hektaar vir die oorspronklike mense sou gereserveer het. Onder die druk van boere en mynwerkers, wat Kalifornië oorstroom het met die ontdekking van goud daar in 1848, is hierdie verdrae nooit deur die kongres bekragtig nie. Hulle het per ongeluk in die argiewe van die Amerikaanse senaat verdwaal. In plaas daarvan is vier klein reservate - Hoopavallei, Rondevallei, Tule -rivier en Smithrivier, en 'n paar klein quotrancherias & quot vasgestel, wie se doel meer in die aard van interneringskampe was om die Indiane uit die weg te ruim van die vloed van Amerikaanse blankes. Die brutale indringers het Indiërs vir sport gejag. Hier is 'n verslag van 'n sport-jag deur blankes in die noorde van Kalifornië wat eindig in 'n verkragting. Intussen is die Pomo, veral dié in die vrugbare, goed natgemaakte lande in die suide van hul land, afgerond in wat afstammelinge beskryf as "doodsmars" en geïnterneer by Fort Bragg in die noorde, en Covelo, (Round Valley).

U kan 'n deel van hierdie volksmoordgeskiedenis in die agtergrond -sidebar - Legacy of Nome Cult - lees, na 'n gedetailleerde ondersoekverhaal van onlangse moorde in Round Valley en die verhoor van tradisionalis Bear Lincoln. In 'n sybalk het plaaslike rassisme en skeuring van die stamme (wat veroorsaak word deur militêre Christelike vyandigheid teenoor die tradisionele kultuur), aangedui dat die Indiese oorloë nie verby is nie. Deeglike beriggewing en historiese ondersoek deur 'n koerant in Noord -Kalifornië, die Albion Monitor. 'N Opvolg van die saak is 'n lang onderhoud met Edwina Lincoln: Outlook OnLine: Edwina Lincoln-Deel 1

Pomo het uit hierdie interneringskampe ontsnap en teruggekeer na hul eie tradisionele dorpsgebiede, wat ietwat ooreenstem met die huidige plekke van die klein federale erkende reservate wat op die kaart getoon word.

Dit alles het natuurlik nog meer kulturele ontwrigting veroorsaak - in 'n baie kort tydperk. Die Pomo kon nie altyd na hul tradisionele dorpe terugkeer nie, want dit was dikwels op die beste plekke in die omgewing en is deur blankes geneem - so die ontsnaptes was geneig om hulself te vestig op die geïsoleerde buitewyke - gewoonlik arm, droë grond. Hulle was ook nie meer vry om hul tradisionele lewensweg van die winter op 'n dorp te volg nie, terwyl hulle in die somer reis om vis te vang en op die meer te lê. Die wild was amper weg, en baie tradisionele bymekaarkomplekke vir akkers ('n stapelvoedsel) en saadkorrels was nou ontoeganklik, óf omdat dit geneem en skoongemaak is óf omdat die mense bang was om daarheen te gaan.

Maar 'n kultureel verenigende, preserveermiddel en hoop-inspirerende faktor het in 1871 die prentjie binnegekom. Bole Maru (soms genoem Bole Hesi) godsdiens. "Bole" beteken ongeveer "geeste van die dooies" Bole Maru was 'n droom-dans of spookdans. Dit kom van die Nevada Paiutes, net soos - 'n generasie later - die Plains Ghost Dances van die Paiute -profeet Wovonka wat die Wounded Knee -slagting in 1890 afgeskakel het.

Die bron in 1870 was die vader van Wovonka, wat dieselfde visioene gehad het, waarin mense van die Vlakte nie geïnteresseerd was totdat dit 'n geslag later baie erger geword het nie. Die Pomo en Wintu wat Bole Maru die sterkste gehou het, het dit verweef in die ontwrigte tradisionele godsdiens wat die ouderlinge onderskei het deur dit te noem saltu hesi, eerder as bole hesi, waar in plaas van die geeste van die dooies (boli), geeste van die natuur (saltu) aangeroep is. In those older times the dead died naturally, and the ceremonies preserved and fructified the land only in the natural way. Now there were massacres, diseases, death marches, forced internments the land was invaded, being ripped up by miners, plowed under by farmers, fenced by cattle ranchers and built upon for cities. The old ceremonies did not have to deal with those things.

T he leader of the Bole Maru, the first dream dancer and doctor, was Cache Creek Pomo Richard Taylor, brother to Sarah Taylor, the grandmother who raised California's foremost basket weaver, doctor, and cultural preservationist, Mabel McKay (1907-1993). In a recent biography of her by Gregg Sarris, the title is Weaving the Dream, emphasizing these two elements of great cultural importance (and the fact that she dreamed basket designs the baskets themselves had power through those designs).

T he Dream-Ghost dances aroused hope that led to practical survival actions. Pomo people began to try to buy land. In 1878, a group of Northern Pomo people bought 7 acres in Coyote Valley. In 1880, another Northern Pomo group bought 100 acres along Ackerman Creek (now known as Pinoleville). In 1881, Yokaya Rancheria was financed by central Pomo people. (Ukiah, California, the hostile white market town, is named after this band.) Yokaya rancheria was not lost, it is the longest-held communally-owned property in California, or perhaps all the U.S. Yokaya was omitted from the refederalizations (see below) of 1983, as if in punishment for its long ability to exist without U.S. government help. In 1882 Potter Valley, Sherwood, and Yorkville Rancherias were privately purchased by groups of Pomo people, for their own land base.

H ow did they do it? The Pomo did not have a money economy, although they had a sharp, clear understanding of numbers, including large numbers, and as the former moneyers or mint of central California shell and magnesite bead coinage, they had a good abstract grasp of money as a concept. But they didn't have any. Their method was collective work and pooled resources. Men and women worked in trade for land from ranchers who had huge land grants. And they also sold the one thing white people wanted: their finest baskets, especially the feathered ones.

T hus at the end of the 19th century, a substantial mini-industry in basket production for collectors, souvenir takers and museum hounds was undertaken. Perhaps this 19th-century canoe-shaped basket -- a foot long, decorated with extra-large abalone pendants -- was made for such sale (a collector gave it to the Brooklyn Museum, no maker identification).

T his was the period during which some Pomo men -- like Benson -- turned their hands to learning the craft of very fine basket production from their wives and grandmothers. Their rough basketry baby cradles were still needed of course, but most of their ingenious basketry fish traps could no longer be used -- they couldn't go to most of the traditional fishing places. Survival depended on getting money to buy land. Fine art baskets were the only possibility beyond the very low wage labor of farmhand, ranch hand, and domestic servant, which sometimes actually paid nothing but permission to build a house on the rancher's property.

B askets for survival and land -- the efforts, of course, also helped to keep the finest and most elaborate parts of the basketry art alive, for it was these largest, finest baskets that the collectors most wanted, and traders were willing to pay for. Basketry had truly become a survival art, in a new way.

B ut knowing about shell money, exchange rates, and valuations of strings of shells against all sorts of other items doesn't clue you to mortgage payments and land taxes. Mostly what the Pomo were able to raise by these intense communal work efforts was mortgage downpayments on artifically high-priced patches of unwanted land -- their own land -- sold back to them as bankers' swindles. High interest and high land taxes imposed on what could not really be a money economy (because the Pomo really had very little opportunity to raise much cash) caused the loss of virtually all this communally-purchased land except for the Yokaya rancheria by the early 20th century.

B y the turn of the century, more than 2/3 of all remaining California Indians -- who had been pushed onto small rancherias to get thm out of the way of immigrants -- had lost these small patches of land, and were landless. In 1906, the 18 treaties of 1851-52 (reserving 8.5 million acres) which the Senate somehow "lost" wre accidentally found. So Congress authorized an investigation of the California Indians' situation, and public reaction eventually supported the passage of annual appropriations to purchase land for landless Indians. Some 54 rancherias were established as federal reservations, almost all of them small areas of land around an existing impoverished settlement. Those lands were often the undesirable, arid, isolated ones no one else wanted. On quite a few, no one (including no Indians) actually did live for many years -- they worked at wage labor in towns, and the San Francisco Bay area. For the Pomos, land was purchased in Lake, Sonoma, and Mendocino counties (i.e. little pieces of their own land was bought back yet again).

T he Pomos, in the 20th century, took a strong early role in legal actions to try to achieve some kind of rights, and to maintain their land in very hostile-to-Indians territory. In 1907, Ethan Anderson (Eastern Pomo) won a court case that gave non-reservation Indians the right to vote -- a right they didn't get in some states until the 1960's.

S ome time before World War I, Lake County Pomo parents challenged local school districts, which would not admit Indian children (who were taken from their families -- if caught -- and sent to distant BIA boarding schools). Though the case was won, the California school board exercised a then legal option to establish separate public schools for Indian children. As has been mentioned on Elsie Allen's page, Pomos of th California Indian Brotherhood undertook and financed legal actions against the segregated schools (1923), and discriminatory service in Ukiah public businesses (1948). They were ahead of everyone else -- other Indians, other, much larger minorities -- in these actions.

I n the early 1950's, for the U.S. government it was "termination time", a move seen by all Indians as another land grab, since it would remove reservation land from its protected federal status. In California, the Rancheria Act of 1958 said that all rancherias (reservations) would be offered the choice of termination or not. The BIA went on a campaign to sell the idea to tribes to vote to terminate themselves. The BIA promised the Pomos (and others) that if they voted to terminate, the BIA would make road improvements, bring in water and electricity and generally bring the infrastructure of these isolated, arid, impoverished lands up to the same conditions as the surrounding white lands. The alternative -- as most everyone saw it -- was they would be terminated anyway, so the Pomo rancherias reluctantly voted to terminate themselves, so that their lands might be improved to a point where they could support themslves in a money economy. Terminations continued through the 1960's.

T he inevitable result was the loss of most of the small bits of land that had been rancheria-reservations. The BIA did not make the improvements in water, power, transportation, etc., that might have enabled some of them to compete, as farmers, with whites around them, and of course the terminated lands wer vulnerable to tax loss, improvident or subsistence-mandated sales, too, as with any allotted lands. In some cases, the BIA sold these lands and distributed the (small) amounts of money realized. Several Pomo bands successfully sued to reverse their terminations. The largest such lawsuit was filed in the early 1980's by Tilly Hardwicke, a member of the Pinoleville Pomo (Mendocino county). It became a class action, representing 17 similarly-situated terminated rancherias.

V ictory in 1983 restored federal reservation status -- but not the lands lost in the interim -- to 17 rancherias (including many but not all Pomos). Pinoleville (located in what its tribal council calls "the verdant California wine country") theoretically has 99 acres, but only 55 is owned by Indians, the rest is now owned by whites. "Though still quite small, Pinoleville figures prominently in the larger struggle for Indian rights and recognition," the tribal council says proudly. "The tribal government currently employs 5 tribal members. Given the small rancheria population (70) and workforce (15 adults), this qualifies it as a major employment source." The band is currently investigating how it might tap into the rich tourists who currently cruise the wine country, for its major economic development effort.

S cotts Valley of Lakeport regained reservation staus, but had in the terminated period lost all its land. Two rooms in a tribal member's home "offer community facilities". The General Council says: "Clear Lake State Park and Lake Mendocino offer recreational opportunities. The rancheria, however, has as yet no capability to prosper from this generated tourism." Potter Valley with 200 tribal members has only 10 acres left. These were the people rounded up on death marches to Covelo in 1850, who escaped from Round Valley back to Potter Valley in 1856. The 10 acres is what remains (after termination) of the 96 acres they had before it. There are 3 wells, a pumphouse, and a ranch house (that now serves as tribal office). Goals are land base and providing housing for tribal members.

C oyote Valley -- whose people were death-marched to Fort Bragg, then interned at Round Valley, bought land in the 1870's and 80's as near as possible to their old homesites. This was lost to mortgage foreclosure in 1928. 101 acres was purchased under the 1909 act for landless Pomo, but no one lived there because there was no water and the soils were poor, until the hard times of the late 1930's Depression, when some families built houses and maintained small gardens. In 1949, the Army Corps of Engineers planned a dam there, and by 1957, the last families had to leave. In 1976, they individually won re-federated status (but no land) in a federal court case. 58 acres was later purchased in Redwood Valley. The tribe has entered into a gaming agreement with the state, submitted to the BIA for review. The band has a 5-year lease on the Army Corps of Engineers Interpretive Center at Lake Mendocino, where it presents programs for tourists.

M iddletown in Lake county opened a casino in 1994. They have 100 acres close to Santa Rosa with a workforce (adults) of just 3 people.

S ulphur Bank/Elm Indian Colony has 50 acres. They are currently trying to regain ownership of their traditional land on 54-acre Rattlesnake Island, located very close offshore from their Clear Lake shoreland. The band says: "This has been sacred ground for centuries. The island continues to serve as an important source for many foods and medicines of value to the tribe. In the past, owners have not always allowed the tribe to conduct ceremonies or gather herbs. Rattlesnake Island is currently for sale, and the tribe, with the aid of California Legal Services, is exploring options for acquiring the title." In May, 1970, the Pomo occupied Rattlesnake Island, to prevent Boise Cascade from developing a condo on the burial grounds and sacred ground there.

I ndians of All Tribes, who were occupying the abandoned federal prison island of Alcatraz in San Francisco Bay at the time, sent a delegation to meet with the Pomos on Rattlesnake Island. Here's a description, written by Mohawk poet Peter Blue Cloud, in a little book, Alcatraz Is Not an Island (Wingbow Press, 1972, long out of print):

"T he Pomo Indians at Clear Lake are witnessing the destruction of their sacred lake. The waters are no longer clear but murky, as they became polluted from the wastes of the thousands of homes, resorts, and new subdivisions. Gas-powered boats race all over the lake. Bulldozers are eating at the base of sacred Mt. Konoceti to create more housing, mountainsides are being stripped to provide gravel. Neat plots of plastic grass and shrubs are being laid out in a Disneyland nightmare.

"A t Sulphur Banks Rancheria, the El-Em Band of Pomos have watched the rape and destruction of their lands since the coming of the whiteman. Very close to their homes is a small lake of sulphur-infested waters left by a mining company. It is a pit hundreds of feet deep which lies above the level of Clear Lake less than 200 feet from the shore [contaminating the lake by seepage]. All around this contaminated water, lies a stripped and barren land, plundered for mercury, to supply two world wars. Very few things grow here.

"A hundred feet offshore from Sulphur Banks is Rattlesnake Island, ancient burial ground and village site of the El-Em Pomo. It is a rocky island, thickly overgrown. It has always been a part of their lands.

"B oise Cascade, the giant lumber and subdivision monster, suddenly appeared on the scene to say Rattlesnake Island was theirs, and that they were going to subdivide it. May 1, 1970, the Pomo Indians moved onto the island and stated their intention to stay."

T hat was 1970 26 years later, they're still trying.

4900 people IDed themselves as Pomo in the 1990 census. The following are currently-recognized (federal reservation) rancherias whose populations are entirely (or substantially) Pomo: Mendocino County: Hopland, Guidiville, Pinoleville, Coyote Valley, Redwood Valley, Sherwood Valley, Manchester/Point Arena, Potter Valley and Round Valley (Little Lake band). Sonoma County: Cloverdale, Dry Creek, Stewarts Point, Lytton. Lake County: Robinson, Upper Lake, Big Valley, Elem/Sulpher Bank, Scotts Valley, Middletown Glenn County Grindstone. There remain others -- Yokaya has been mentioned -- which still seek re-federalization. The land bases of thse tiny, scattered sites vary from 0 to 177 acres and populations from 15 to about 400. Probably about 2/3 of tribal members do not live on tribal land.

Y ou can buy many Pomo books on-line at Amazon.com bookstore. I have prepared a list of all that they carry. You can select from a big list hier and click your choices as you go to Amazon.com for an invoice

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CREDITS: Feather baskets and awl: Smithsonian Book of North American Indians Before the Coming of the Europeans, Philip Kopper, Smithsonian Books, 1986. Map: adapted from Tiller's Guide to Indian Country, the publicly available version of Tiller's ECDA guide Bow and Arrow Publishing, 1996, 800/895-8668. String of clamshell disk-beads from the dust jacket of The Native American Look Book, a project of the Brooklyn Museum, The New Press, 1996. Benson magnesite basket fron NMAI, chosen by Susan Billy to illustrate her essay in All Roads Are Good, Smithsonian, 1994. String of disk beads and canoe-shaped 19th-century feather basket from the Brooklyn Museum, photographed in the children's book The Native American Look Book, The New Press, 1996. Both photos were enhanced and colorized by me.


Don’t Whistle at Night!

One of the strangest mysteries I’ve come across in my two years of writing for MysteriesOfCanada.com is the phenomenon of universal folktales- legends inexplicably espoused by multiple cultural groups which have few discernable connections with one another.

The Welsh, the Chinese, and the Aztecs, for example, all told tales of dragons.

Welsh, Chinese, and Mesoamerican dragons.

The Kwakwaka’wakw, the Blackfoot, and the Ojibwa- First Nations separated by thousands of kilometres of rugged wilderness and nearly ten thousand years of cultural evolution- shared a belief in both giant birds that caused thunderstorms and supernatural horned water serpents- fantastic animals which they claimed were archenemies.

The Thunderbird and the Horned Serpent in West Coast, Prairie, and Great Lakes cultures.

Native peoples from all across North America, the tribes of the Himalayas, and the Aborigines of the Australian Outback all spoke of hairy, manlike giants which left behind huge footprints, had a penchant for stone-throwing, and emitted a putrid odour somewhat akin to the smell of rotten flesh.

Wildmen from the Pacific Northwest, the Tibetan Himalayas, and the Australian Outback.

The Dene, the Navajo, and the Maya all have legends of heroic twins who defended their ancestors in ancient times…

A stela depicting the Maya Hero Twins

The ancient Mesopotamians, the Norse Vikings, and the citizens of the Incan Empire all had stories of a Great Flood…

A painting depicting Noah’s Ark

And nearly every culture to ever exist has its own collection of ghost stories.

Ghost stories from North America, Africa, and Japan

One legend shared by cultures from all over the world contends that it is unwise to whistle at night. In most versions of the legend, engaging in this practice invites evil spirits to haunt the whistler. Some groups known to have traditionally espoused this superstition include:

  • Mexicans, who believe that to whistle at night is to invite the Lechuza (a witch that can transform into an owl) to swoop down, snatch up the whistler, and carry him/her away.
  • Turks, who believe that whistling at night will summon the Devil.
  • Arabs, who maintain that if you whistle in the night, you run the risk of luring jinns (supernatural creatures of Islamic mythology), or even the dreaded sheytan (Satan).
  • The Han Chinese, who believe that whistling at night invites ghosts into the home.
  • Native Hawaiians believe that whistling at night summons the Hukai’po, or “Night Marchers”.

Canada is not immune to this internationally-adopted superstition. Over the past two centuries, countless Old World immigrants brought their native folklore with them to the Great White North, and since the earliest days of Vancouver’s Chinatown, many a Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Vietnamese-Canadian has suffered his/her grandmother’s admonitions against whistling after dark.

Fan Tan Alley in Chinatown, Victoria.

Asian-Canadians are not the only Canucks to inherit the whistling legend from their immigrant ancestors. In his 2016 book Creating Kashubia: History, Memory, and Identity in Canada’s First Polish Community, Canadian historian Joshua C. Blank wrote that his ethnically Kashubian grandmother from Barry’s Bay, Ontario, often repeated an old Polish saying regarding this ancient superstition: “Don’t whistle at night the devil dances on the stove!”

Interestingly, Canada has a few endemic whistling legends totally independent of foreign influence. Although they are not as well documented as their Old World counterparts, a number of Canadian aboriginal groups have their own superstitions cautioning against whistling at night.

According to one Inuit legend, one who whistles at the Northern Lights risks calling down spirits from the aurora. A poem entitled Labrador in Winter, written by Canadian poet Kate Tuthill, colourfully illustrates this belief thus:

The Inuits say don’t whistle

When the Northern Lights are high,

Lest they swoop to earth and carry you

Up to the luminescent sky.

The Northern Lights outside Yellowknife, Northwest Territories Okanagan Indians

Not all Canadian aboriginal legends regarding whistling at night involve evil spirits. According to one First Nations tradition that decries it, this practice attracts the “Stick Indians”- frightening wildmen of Interior and Coast Salish tradition, which are either hairy Sasquatch-like giants, gaunt cannibalistic Indians, or forest-dwelling dwarves, depending on the tribal affiliation of the storyteller. Most Salish tribes maintain that the Stick Indians communicate using whistles alternating from low to high. According to the Okanagan (a.k.a. Syilx), an Interior Salish people of South-Central British Columbia, whistling at night, especially in the backcountry or on outskirts of civilization, is likely to attract the unwanted attention of a Stick Indian.

Don’t Whistle At Night Superstition.

The Dene tribes of Northern Canada have a similar wildman tradition, and according to many missionaries and fur traders who spent time among these people in the late 19 th and early 20 th Centuries, they were terrified of nocturnal whistling. In the words of Hudson’s Bay Company trader B.R. Ross in his 1879 report entitled Notes on the Tinneh [Dene] or Chipewyan Indians of British and Russian America:

“A strange footprint, or any unusual sound in the forest, is quite sufficient to cause great excitement in the camp. At Fort Resolution I have on several occasions caused all the natives encamped around to flock for protection into the fort during the night simply by whistling, hidden in the bushes…”

Kootenay Indians

Another First Nation with a taboo against night whistling is the Kootenay tribe of southeastern British Columbia. According to a Kootenay woman who was interviewed on December 11, 1997:

“Even today you will hear people that are my mother’s age from the reserve say ‘you don’t whistle at night.’ Okay, that’s taboo. They don’t tell you why lots of times. But it’s: ‘don’t whistle at night- the bad spirits will get you- something will get you.’ But if you take that back not so many generations- if you were out in the dark and your enemy’s around, if you’re whistling, they know you’re there. And there you go! It was designed as stories to tell children so that they could comprehend. Okay, don’t whistle because something bad will happen to me. But the parent’s didn’t go on to say: ‘otherwise the Blackfeet are going to get you in the middle of the night’ or something. ‘They’re going to know where you are and get you.’ It’s kind of a way of telling a fairy story but with a practical purpose of protecting your children.”

Fairy tale or not, the superstition surrounding nocturnal whistling plays an important role in several different folk traditions across Canada, adding a few more ethnocultural groups to that list of peoples from all over the world who warn: “don’t whistle at night!”


Feast of All Saints

The Christian feast of All Saints was assigned to No. 1. The day honored every Christian saint, especially those that did not otherwise have a special day devoted to them. This feast day was meant to substitute for Samhain, to draw the devotion of the Celtic peoples, and, finally, to replace it forever. That did not happen, but the traditional Celtic deities diminished in status, becoming fairies or leprechauns of more recent traditions.

The old beliefs associated with Samhain never died out entirely. The powerful symbolism of the traveling dead was too strong, and perhaps too basic to the human psyche, to be satisfied with the new, more abstract Catholic feast honoring saints. Recognizing that something that would subsume the original energy of Samhain was necessary, the church tried again to supplant it with a Christian feast day in the 9th century. This time it established November 2nd as All Souls Day -a day when the living prayed for the souls of all the dead. But, once again, the practice of retaining traditional customs while attempting to redefine them had a sustaining effect: the traditional beliefs and customs lived on, in new guises.


Scythian

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Scythian, ook genoem Scyth, Saka, en Sacae, member of a nomadic people, originally of Iranian stock, known from as early as the 9th century bce who migrated westward from Central Asia to southern Russia and Ukraine in the 8th and 7th centuries bce . The Scythians founded a rich, powerful empire centred on what is now Crimea. The empire survived for several centuries before succumbing to the Sarmatians during the period from the 4th century bce to the 2nd century ce .

Until the 20th century, most of what was known of the history of the Scythians came from the account of them by the ancient Greek historian Herodotus, who visited their territory. In modern times that record has been expanded chiefly by Russian and other anthropologists excavating kurgans in such places as Tyva and Kazakhstan.

The Scythians were feared and admired for their prowess in war and, in particular, for their horsemanship. They were among the earliest people to master the art of riding, and their mobility astonished their neighbours. The migration of the Scythians from Asia eventually brought them into the territory of the Cimmerians, who had traditionally controlled the Caucasus and the plains north of the Black Sea. In a war that lasted 30 years, the Scythians destroyed the Cimmerians and set themselves up as rulers of an empire stretching from west Persia through Syria and Judaea to the borders of Egypt. The Medes, who ruled Persia, attacked them and drove them out of Anatolia, leaving them finally in control of lands which stretched from the Persian border north through the Kuban and into southern Russia.

The Scythians were remarkable not only for their fighting ability but also for the complex culture they produced. They developed a class of wealthy aristocrats who left elaborate graves—such as the kurgans in the Valley of the Tsars (or Kings) near Arzhan, 40 miles (60 km) from Kyzyl, Tyva—filled with richly worked articles of gold, as well as beads of turquoise, carnelian, and amber, and many other valuable objects. This class of chieftains, the Royal Scyths, finally established themselves as rulers of the southern Russian and Crimean territories. It is there that the richest, oldest, and most-numerous relics of Scythian civilization have been found. Their power was sufficient to repel an invasion by the Persian king Darius I about 513 bce .

The Royal Scyths were headed by a sovereign whose authority was transmitted to his son. Eventually, about the time of Herodotus, the royal family intermarried with Greeks. In 339 the ruler Ateas was killed at age 90 while fighting Philip II of Macedonia. The community was eventually destroyed in the 2nd century bce , Palakus being the last sovereign whose name is preserved in history.

The Scythian army was made up of freemen who received no wage other than food and clothing but who could share in booty on presentation of the head of a slain enemy. Many warriors wore Greek-style bronze helmets and chain-mail jerkins. Their principal weapon was a double-curved bow and trefoil-shaped arrows their swords were of the Persian type. Every Scythian had at least one personal mount, but the wealthy owned large herds of horses, chiefly Mongolian ponies. Burial customs were elaborate and called for the sacrifice of members of the dead man’s household, including wife, servants, and a number of horses.

Despite these characteristics, their many and exquisite grave goods, notably the animal-style gold artifacts, reveal that the Scythians were also culturally advanced. Further, some gold ornaments thought to have been created by Greeks for the Scythians were shown to have predated their contact with Greek civilization. Sien ook Scythian art.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica This article was most recently revised and updated by Adam Augustyn, Managing Editor, Reference Content.


Which groups of people were awake at night in antiquity? - Geskiedenis

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Goth, member of a Germanic people whose two branches, the Ostrogoths and the Visigoths, for centuries harassed the Roman Empire. According to their own legend, reported by the mid-6th-century Gothic historian Jordanes, the Goths originated in southern Scandinavia and crossed in three ships under their king Berig to the southern shore of the Baltic Sea, where they settled after defeating the Vandals and other Germanic peoples in that area. Tacitus states that the Goths at this time were distinguished by their round shields, their short swords, and their obedience toward their kings. Jordanes goes on to report that they migrated southward from the Vistula region under Filimer, the fifth king after Berig and, after various adventures, arrived at the Black Sea.

This movement took place in the second half of the 2nd century ce , and it may have been pressure from the Goths that drove other Germanic peoples to exert heavy pressure on the Danubian frontier of the Roman Empire during the reign of Marcus Aurelius. Throughout the 3rd century Gothic raids on the Roman provinces in Asia Minor and the Balkan peninsula were numerous, and in the reign of Aurelian (270–275) they obliged the Romans to evacuate the trans-Danubian province of Dacia. Those Goths living between the Danube and the Dniester rivers became known as Visigoths, and those in what is now the Ukraine as Ostrogoths. For their subsequent histories, kyk Ostrogoth Visigoth.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica This article was most recently revised and updated by Adam Augustyn, Managing Editor, Reference Content.


Which groups of people were awake at night in antiquity? - Geskiedenis

L incoln awoke the morning of April 14 in a pleasant mood. Robert E. Lee had surrendered several days before to Ulysses Grant, and now Lincoln was awaiting word from North Carolina on the surrender of Joseph E. Johnston. The morning papers carried the announcement that the president and his wife would be attending the comedy, Ons Amerikaanse neef, at Ford's Theater that evening with General Grant and his wife.

After an afternoon carriage ride and dinner, Mary complained of a headache and considered not going after all. Lincoln commented that he was feeling a bit tired himself, but he needed a laugh and was intent on going with or without her. She relented. He made a quick trip to the War Department with his body guard, William Crook, but there was no news from North Carolina. While returning to pick up Mary, Crook "almost begged" Lincoln not to go to the theater. He then asked if he could go along as an extra guard. Lincoln rejected both suggestions, shrugging off Crook's fears of assassination. Lincoln knew that a guard would be posted outside their "state box" at the theater.

Arriving after the play had started, the two couples swept up the stairs and into their seats. The box door was closed, but not locked. As the play progressed, police guard John Parker, a notorious drinker, left his post in the hallway leading to the box and went across the street for a drink. During the third act, the President and Mrs. Lincoln drew closer together, holding hands while enjoying the play. Behind them, the door opened and a man stepped into the box. Pointing a derringer at the back of Lincoln's head, he pulled the trigger. Mary reached out to her slumping husband and began shrieking. Now wielding a dagger, the man yelled, "Sic semper tyrannis!" ("Thus always to tyrants"), slashed Rathbone's arm open to the bone, and then leapt from the box. Catching his spur in a flag, he crashed to the stage, breaking his left shin in the fall. Rathbone and Harris both yelled for someone to stop him, but he escaped out the back stage door.

An unconscious Lincoln was carried across the street to the Petersen House and into the room of a War Department clerk. The bullet had entered behind the left ear and ripped a path through the left side of his brain, mortally wounding him. He died the next morning.

Gideon Welles served Lincoln as Secretary of the Navy. On the night of April 14, he was awakened with the news that Lincoln had been shot. Together with Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, he rushed to Ford's Theater. They found the area packed with an excited crowd and learned that Lincoln had been taken to a house across the street. Clamoring up the stairs, Welles asked a doctor he recognized about Lincoln's condition. The physician replied that the President might live another three hours. We pick up his story as he enters the room where Lincoln lay:

"The President had been carried across the street from the theater to the house of a Mr. Peterson. We entered by ascending a flight of steps above the basement and passing through a long hall to the rear, where the President lay extended on a bed, breathing heavily. Several surgeons were present, at least six, I should think more. Among them I was glad to observe Doctor Hall, who, however, soon left. I inquired of Doctor Hall, as I entered, the true condition of the President. He replied the President was dead to all intents, although he might live three hours or perhaps longer.

The giant sufferer lay extended diagonally across the bed, which was not long enough for him. He had been stripped of his clothes. His large arms, which were occasionally exposed, were of a size which one would scarce have expected from his spare appearance. His slow, full respiration lifted the clothes with each breath that he took. His features were calm and striking. I had never seen them appear to better advantage than for the first hour, perhaps, that I was there. After that his right eye began to swell and that part of his face became discolored.

Senator Sumner was there, I think, when I entered. If not he came in soon after, as did Speaker Colfax, Mr. Secretary McCulloch, and the other members of the cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Seward. A double guard was stationed at the door and on the sidewalk to repress the crowd, which was of course highly excited and anxious. The room was small and overcrowded. The surgeons and members of the cabinet were as many as should have been in the room, but there were many more, and the hall and other rooms in the front or main house were full. One of these rooms was occupied by Mrs. Lincoln and her attendants, with Miss Harris. Mrs. Dixon and Mrs. Kinney came to her about twelve o'clock. About once an hour Mrs. Lincoln would repair to the bedside of her dying husband and with lamentation and tears remain until overcome by emotion.

An illustration of President Lincoln's death
scene published by Harper's Weekly
May 6, 1865
A door which opened upon a porch or gallery, and also the windows, were kept open for fresh air. The night was dark, cloudy, and damp, and about six it began to rain. I remained in the room until then without sitting or leaving it, when, there being a vacant chair which some one left at the foot of the bed, I occupied it for nearly two hours, listening to the heavy groans and witnessing the wasting life of the good and great man who was expiring before me.

About 6 A.M. I experienced a feeling of faintness, and for the first time after entering the room a little past eleven I left it and the house and took a short walk in the open air. It was a dark and gloomy morning, and rain set in before I returned to the house some fifteen minutes later. Large groups of people were gathered every few rods, all anxious and solicitous. Some one or more from each group stepped forward as I passed to inquire into the condition of the President and to ask if there was no hope. Intense grief was on every countenance when I replied that the President could survive but a short time. The colored people especially-and there were at this time more of them, perhaps, than of whites - were overwhelmed with grief.

A little before seven I went into the room where the dying President was rapidly drawing near the closing moments. His wife soon after made her last visit to him. The death struggle had begun. Robert, his son, stood with several others at the head of the bed. He, bore himself well but on two occasions gave way to overpowering grief and sobbed aloud, turning his head and leaning on the shoulder of Senator Sumner. The respiration of the President became suspended at intervals and at last entirely ceased at twenty-two minutes past seven"


Verwysings:
Morse, John T. (editor), The Diary of Gideon Welles (1911) Panati, Charles. Panati's Extraordinary Endings of Practically Everything and Everybody (1988) Stephen B. With Malice toward None: The Life of Abraham Lincoln (1977).


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