Chinese uitsluitingswet - 1882, definisie en doel

Chinese uitsluitingswet - 1882, definisie en doel



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Die Chinese uitsluitingswet van 1882 was die eerste belangrike wet wat immigrasie na die Verenigde State beperk. Baie Amerikaners aan die Weskus skryf dalende lone en ekonomiese euwels toe aan Chinese werkers. Alhoewel die Chinese slegs 0,002 persent van die land se bevolking uitgemaak het, het die Kongres die uitsluitingswet goedgekeur om die eise van die werkers te versag en die algemene kommer oor die behoud van wit "rassuiwerheid" te vermy.

Chinese immigrasie in Amerika

Die Opiumoorloë (1839-42, 1856-60) van die middel van die negentiende eeu tussen Groot-Brittanje en China het China in die skuld gebring. Oorstromings en droogte het bygedra tot die uittog van boere van hul plase, en baie het die land verlaat om werk te kry. Toe goud in 1848 in die Sacramento -vallei van Kalifornië ontdek word, het 'n groot toename in Chinese immigrante die Verenigde State binnegekom om by die California Gold Rush aan te sluit.

Na 'n gebrek aan oes in 1852 in China, het meer as 20,000 Chinese immigrante deur die doeanehuis van San Francisco gekom (teenoor 2,716 die vorige jaar) op soek na werk. Geweld het vinnig ontstaan ​​tussen wit mynwerkers en die nuwelinge, waarvan baie rasbeskuldig is. In Mei 1852 het Kalifornië 'n belasting op buitelandse mynwerkers van $ 3 maande ingestel om Chinese mynwerkers te rig, en misdaad en geweld het toegeneem.

In 'n hooggeregshofsaak van 1854, People v. Hall, is beslis dat die Chinese, soos Afro -Amerikaners en inheemse Amerikaners, nie in die hof mag getuig nie, wat dit in werklikheid onmoontlik maak vir Chinese immigrante om geregtigheid te soek teen die toenemende geweld. Teen 1870 het Chinese mynwerkers $ 5 miljoen aan die staat Kalifornië betaal via die belasting op buitelandse mynwerkers, maar hulle het voortdurend gediskrimineer op die werk en in hul kampe.

Doel van die Chinese uitsluitingswet

Die Chinese uitsluitingswet van 1882 het die immigrasie van Chinese immigrante vir tien jaar opgeskort en die Chinese immigrante in aanmerking kom vir naturalisasie om die toeloop van Chinese immigrante na die Verenigde State, veral Kalifornië, te beperk. President Chester A. Arthur onderteken dit op 6 Mei 1882. Chinese-Amerikaners wat reeds in die land was, betwis die grondwetlikheid van die diskriminerende dade, maar hul pogings het misluk.

Geary Act van 1892

Die Geary Act, wat deur die kongreslid Thomas J. Geary in Kalifornië voorgestel is, het op 5 Mei 1892 in werking getree. Dit het die verbod op Chinese uitsluiting op Chinese immigrasie vir nog tien jaar versterk en verleng. Dit het ook vereis dat Chinese inwoners in die VSA spesiale dokumentasie - verblyfbewyse - van die Internal Revenue Service moet saambring. Immigrante wat betrap is dat hulle nie die sertifikate dra nie, is tot harde arbeid en deportasie gevonnis, en borgtog was slegs 'n opsie as die beskuldigdes deur 'n "geloofwaardige wit getuie" ingedien is.

Chinese Amerikaners is uiteindelik toegelaat om in die hof te getuig na die verhoor van arbeider Yee Shun in 1882, hoewel dit dekades sou duur voordat die immigrasieverbod opgehef is.

Impak van die Chinese uitsluitingswet

Die Hooggeregshof bekragtig die Geary -wet in Fong Yue Ting teen die Verenigde State in 1893, en in 1902 word Chinese immigrasie permanent onwettig gemaak. Die wetgewing was baie effektief en die Chinese bevolking in die Verenigde State het skerp afgeneem.

Amerikaanse ervaring met Chinese uitsluiting het latere bewegings vir immigrasiebeperking aangespoor teen ander 'ongewenste' groepe soos die Midde-Oosters, Hindoe en Oos-Indiane en die Japannese met die aanvaarding van die Immigrasiewet van 1924. Chinese immigrante en hul in Amerika gebore gesinne bly onbevoeg. vir burgerskap tot 1943 met die aanvaarding van die Magnuson -wet. Teen daardie tyd was die VSA in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog gewikkel en probeer om die moreel op die tuisfront te verbeter.

Bronne

Chinese immigrante en die goue stormloop. PBS.
Chinese immigrasie en die Chinese uitsluitingswette. Die staatsdepartement.


Ons gedokumenteerde regte: dink aan Chinese uitsluiting

'N Wet om sekere verdragsbepalings met betrekking tot Chinees uit te voer.

Terwyl die mening van die regering van die Verenigde State die koms van Chinese arbeiders na hierdie land in gevaar stel vir die goeie orde van sekere plekke op die grondgebied: Die kongres het vergader: van en na die verstryking van negentig dae volgende na die verloop van hierdie wet, en tot die verstryking van tien jaar volgende na die verloop van hierdie wet, is die koms van Chinese arbeiders na die Verenigde State, en dieselfde is hierby, opgeskort en tydens so 'n skorsing is dit nie geoorloof om 'n Chinese arbeider te kom nie, of na die verstryking van die negentig dae in die Verenigde State te bly.

  • 'N Handeling om sekere verdragsbepalings met betrekking tot die Chinese uit te voer, 6 Mei 1882 ingeskrewe wette en resolusies van die kongres, 1789-1996 Algemene rekords van die Amerikaanse regeringsrekordgroep 11 se nasionale argief.
  • Gewysig deur Sub. Afdeling C (4) van Art. 13 van die immigrasiewet van 1924.

Van 1882 tot 1943 het die Amerikaanse regering die immigrasie van China na die Verenigde State ernstig ingeperk. Hierdie federale beleid is die gevolg van kommer oor die groot aantal Chinese immigrante, mededinging met Amerikaanse werkers en 'n groeiende nativisme. As gevolg hiervan is 'n wet (22 Stat. 58) op 6 Mei 1882 uitgevaardig om die immigrasie van Chinese arbeiders vir tien jaar op te skort, wat Chinese in die Verenigde State vanaf 17 November 1880 toegelaat het om te bly, na die buiteland te reis en terug te keer verbied die naturalisasie van Chinees en skep 'n "Artikel 6" vrygestelde status vir onderwysers, studente, handelaars en reisigers.
Sien http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2004/spring/alleged-wife-1.html

Dokumentagtergrond

Hierdie immigrasievisum is deel van 'n reeks dokumente in die National Archives in Boston wat gebruik is om die identiteit van Ng Shee te staaf. Sy het versoek om Hong Kong, China, te verlaat om by haar Chinese Amerikaanse man in Waltham, MA, aan te sluit. Die dokumente bevat hierdie immigrasievisum vir nie -kwota, die versoekskrif van haar man waarin sy versoek word dat sy die Verenigde State mag binnegaan, en die kaart wat Ng Shee van haar dorp geteken het deur die immigrasiebeampte (s) by 'n Chinese tolk, en die ondervragingsvrae .

Dokumente soos hierdie is tipies van die ongeveer 25 000 lêers in die National Archives in Boston met betrekking tot Chinese uitsluiting. Die doel van die dokumente was om te verseker dat mense wat na die Verenigde State wil immigreer, voldoen aan die immigrasieregulasies van die tyd soos gewysig deur sub. Afdeling C (4) van artikel 13 van die immigrasiewet van 1924.

Die einde van die verhaal: Ng Shee mag in die Verenigde State bly. In 1966 is haar seuns ondersoek om vas te stel of dit werklike seuns of onwettige "papier" seuns is.

Leeraktiwiteite

Ondersoek dit!

  1. 1. Soek die woordeskat wat verband hou met hierdie dokument en maak 'n lys met die woorde en definisies: konsulêr, nie -kwota, immigrasie, visum, nasionaliteit, geldigheid, verstryk, ontoelaatbaar, Hong Kong, konsul -generaal
  2. Die dokument is gedateer 14 Augustus 1931. Tot watter datum is hierdie besoek geldig? Hoe lank sal Ng Shee toegelaat word om in die VSA te bly?
  3. Wat kan ons visueel bepaal oor Ng Shee uit die foto?
  4. Watter twee aanduidings van bewyse op die dokument hou verband met die fooi wat betaal is om hierdie visum te verwerk?
  5. Ng Shee vertel deur middel van hierdie beëdigde verklaring dat sy in 1894 in China gebore is, en wil deur Boston, MA, die Verenigde State binnegaan om permanent saam met haar man Yee Tin Foo in Waltham, MA, te woon. Om watter rede beweer sy dat sy in aanmerking kom vir 'n nie -kwota immigrantvisum?

Versamel nodige kennis van tyd en plek

  1. Ondersoek 'n wêreldkaart om China, Hong Kong, die Verenigde State, Kalifornië, San Francisco, Massachusetts en Boston op te spoor. (Waltham is 'n stad 25 myl wes van Boston.) Bereken die afstand van Hong Kong na Boston met behulp van 'n kaart of die internet. Identifiseer 'n paar roetes wat u van China na Boston kan ry.
  2. Lees 'n prenteboek oor Chinese immigrasie en uitsluiting. Landed by Milly Lee vertel die ervarings van 'n Chinese kind wat hom voorberei om die Verenigde State binne te gaan. Ondervraging is noodsaaklik geag om die toegang van "papiersons", dit wil sê onwettige individue, in die Verenigde State te verhoed.
  3. Stel 'n tydlyn op met wette wat verband hou met Chinese immigrasie met behulp van die agtergrondinligting
    http://www.archives.gov/pacific/education/curriculum/4th-grade/chinese-exclusion.html

Gebruik dit!

  1. Vorm groepe van 3-5 studente. Gebruik die vergrootglas om die rekords van saakdossier 2500/9086 die ondervraging van Ng Shee te ondersoek en rapporteer wat hulle ontdek het en die verhale daarin.
  2. Skep 'n biografie van Ng Shee op grond van hierdie dokumente.
  3. Gebruik u kennis van die Chinese uitsluitingswet en skryf 'n verduideliking uit die oogpunt van 'n Amerikaanse wetgewer waarom hierdie spesifieke wette in die Verenigde State nodig en goedgekeur is.
  4. Lees die afskrif van die onderhoud van Soo Hoo Lem Kong om die Verenigde State te besoek op http://www.archives.gov/education/lessons/chinese-exclusion/chinese-exclusion-shlk.html.
    Verduidelik in 'n paragraaf hoe die vrae en antwoorde op die getuienis van Soo Hoo Lem Kong vergelyk met dié van Ng Shee.

Verbreding van aktiwiteite

  1. Probeer om die ervaring van 'n immigrant te verstaan ​​deur 'n onderhoud te voer met iemand wat na die Verenigde State geëmigreer het. U kan sommige van hierdie vrae gebruik:
    1. Waar is jy gebore? Hoe oud was jy toe jy na die Verenigde State gekom het?
    2. Wat is u vroegste herinneringe aan u vaderland? Van die VSA?
    3. Waarom het jy gegaan? Hoekom het jy hierheen gekom?
    4. Vertel 'n paar verhale oor u oorspronklike land en oor immigrasie.
    5. Het u advies om mense te help om die immigrasie -ervaring te verstaan?

    Bykomende hulpbronne

    • Soek Chinese immigrasiebronne by die National Archives op http://www.archives.gov/research/chinese-americans/
    • Resensie Chinese immigrasie en Chinese in die Verenigde State: rekords in die streeksargief van die National Archives and Records Administration Reference Information Paper 99, Saamgestel deur Waverly Lowell. Aanlyn beskikbaar by: http://www.archives.gov/research/chinese-americans/guide.html
    • Lees 'n prenteboek oor Chinese immigrasie en uitsluiting. Een voorgestelde lees sou wees Geland deur Milly Lee.
    • Gebruik die agtergrond en aktiwiteite van http://www.archives.gov/pacific/education/curriculum/4th-grade/chinese-exclusion.html
    • Ondersoek die werklike Chinese uitsluitingswet (1882). http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=47

    Nasionale geskiedenisstandaarde

    Graad K-4

    1. K -4 Inhoudstandaarde - Onderwerp Drie: Standaard 5A - Die oorsake en aard van verskillende bewegings van groot groepe mense na en binne die Verenigde State, nou en lank gelede.
      1. Maak gebruik van datakaarte, historiese kaarte, nie -fiksie- en fiksieverslae en onderhoude om die ervaring van immigrantegroepe "deur hul oë" te beskryf. Sluit inligting in, soos waar hulle vandaan kom en waarom hulle vertrek het, reiservarings, toegangspoorte en immigrasie -ondersoek, en die geleenthede en struikelblokke wat hulle teëgekom het toe hulle in Amerika aankom.
      1. Beskryf die lewe in stedelike gebiede en gemeenskappe van verskillende kulture van die wêreld op verskillende tye in hul geskiedenis. [Kry historiese data]

      Graad 5-12

      1. A. Era 6 The Development of the Industrial United States (1870-1900) - Standard 2 - Massiewe immigrasie na 1870 en hoe nuwe sosiale patrone, konflikte en idees van nasionale eenheid te midde van groeiende kulturele diversiteit ontwikkel het.
        1. Die student verstaan ​​die bronne en ervarings van die nuwe immigrante, hy/sy beoordeel die uitdagings, geleenthede en bydraes van verskillende immigrantegroepe.
        2. Die student kan begrip toon vir die bronne en ervarings van die nuwe immigrante

        Hierdie bladsy is laas op 19 Maart 2019 hersien.
        Kontak ons ​​met vrae of kommentaar.


        Geskiedenis van Chinese Amerikaanse kos

        Ons kan nie bespreek nie Chinese geskiedenis sonder om ook die behandeling van Chinese immigrante in die Verenigde State aan die lig te bring. Die opkoms van die Chinese Amerikaanse kookkuns is onlosmaaklik verbonde aan die sosiale, politieke en regspraktyke wat aktief teen Chinese immigrante gediskrimineer het, wat op soek was na sowel onveilige omstandighede in hul vaderland as op soek na groot moontlikhede in Amerika.

        Die Opiumoorloë en die toenemende skuld wat gevolg het, sowel as periodes van aardbewings, droogtes en vloede, het gelei tot massale emigrasie van China na die Verenigde State vir geleentheid en veiligheid.

        Die Gold Rush van die middel van die 1800's in Kalifornië lok nie net grootoog oosterse en hoopvolle mid-westerlinge nie. Dit het ook 'n geleentheid geword vir Chinese immigrante om goeie loopbane vir hulself te skep deur dienste te lewer aan die groeiende aantal mynwerkers wat weswaarts is. Dit beteken kruidenierswinkels, handelsposte en natuurlik restaurante.

        Nadat die eerste vlaag immigrante sukses behaal het, is meer aangemoedig om te volg. Dit het gelei tot 'n toename in Chinese immigrante in die gevaarliker en minder winsgewende posisies van arbeid en landbou. Daar was ook 'n behoefte aan meer kos en kultuur wat die geure wat hulle liefgehad het, behou het. Aangesien die gemeenskap van Chinese Amerikaanse immigrante aanhou groei het, het die behoefte aan 'n voorsmakie van die huis ook gegroei.

        Daar was baie redes waarom Chinese restaurante was so suksesvol. Om mee te begin, het die idee van restaurante net begin wortel skiet in die Amerikaanse kultuur, terwyl dit eeue lank 'n noodsaaklike deel van die Chinese lewe was. Die kos was ook goedkoop en vol vet en warm geure wat baie Amerikaners nog nooit beleef het nie.

        Die toenemende sukses van Chinese restaurante verteenwoordig 'n toenemende teenwoordigheid van Chinese immigrante in Amerika. Terwyl die Amerikaners graag hul aangepaste Chinese kosgeure geniet, aangepas vir beskikbare bestanddele en die maklike kookmetodes, het hulle ook Chinese Amerikaanse immigrante vir baie van hul probleme begin blameer.

        Die Gold Rush het te veel mense na die beperkte rykdom van Kalifornië gebring, en die gebrek aan goud wat gevind is, het baie van hulle kwaad gemaak. Hulle blameer Chinese immigrante vir die lae lone en minimale werksgeleenthede. Chinese immigrante het helder klere gedra en 'n ander taal gepraat, en hulle het 'n maklike sondebok geword vir die vele probleme wat Wes -Amerikaners in die laat 1800's ondervind het.

        Uiteindelik het die sosiaal -diskriminasie wettig geword. Aanvanklik is 'n mynbelasting op immigrante in 1852 gehef. Die belasting van $ 3, ongeveer $ 100 in 2021, was spesifiek gemik op Chinese immigrante en het gelei tot verhoogde spanning. Ander wette het gevolg wat Chinese immigrante verhinder het om in die hof te getuig.

        In 1882 word die Chinese uitsluitingswet geslaag is. Dit was die eerste wetsontwerp in die geskiedenis van die Verenigde State om immigrasie te beperk of te beperk, en het Chinese immigrasie na die Verenigde State vir 'n dekade verhoed. Dit het ook die Chinese immigrante wat reeds in die land was, nie in aanmerking kom vir naturalisasie nie, hulle verder ontneem en die bestaande diskriminasie en sosiale rassisme versterk.

        Die wettige rassisme het voortgegaan. Die Geary -wet is in 1892 aangeneem, wat die verbod op Chinese immigrante verder uitgebrei het en vereis dat Chinese immigrante papiere moes saambring, waarsonder hulle tot harde arbeid of deportasie gevonnis kon word. In 1902 is die verbod op immigrasie permanent gemaak. Dit sou eers in 1943 opgehef word.

        Tydens die opkoms van die anti-Chinese sentiment is Chinese voedsel nie onaangeraak gelaat nie. Alhoewel baie mense vroeër dekades van die kos geniet het, het rassistiese propaganda oor hul restaurante versprei. Daar is klagtes ingedien oor die reuke van Chinese kombuise, aangesien baie bestanddele en resepte nuut in die Verenigde State was. Hulle beweer dat Chinese sjefs oneerlik was oor die vleis wat hulle bedien, en dat gevaarlike mites voortbestaan.

        Maar namate die 1920's 'n tydperk van sosiale ontspanning en kulturele Renaissance beleef het, het Chinese restaurante 'n soort hip opsie geword vir stadslewers en neigings. Namate die restaurante weer sukses begin beleef het, het hul geregte ontwikkel, en die volgende fase van Amerikaanse Chinese kos het plaasgevind.


        Chinese uitsluitingswet aka 8220 'n Wet om sekere verdragsbepalings met betrekking tot Chinese uit te voer "

        Hierdie wet was 'n groot verskuiwing in die Amerikaanse immigrasiebeleid na toenemende beperkings. Die wet was daarop gemik om Chinese immigrante te beperk- die eerste groep wat deur ras en klas geïdentifiseer is vir 'n sterk beperkte toegang en onbevoegdheid vir burgerskap.

        Hulpbronne

        Besprekingsvrae

        Wie is verantwoordelik gemaak vir die identifisering van ontoelaatbare Chinese immigrante?

        Hoe dink jy het Chinese uitsluiting die verhouding tussen die regering en immigrante verander?

        Hoe kan Chinese uitsluiting die Chinese gemeenskappe wat reeds in die Verenigde State was, beïnvloed?

        Opsomming

        Hierdie wet dui op 'n groot verskuiwing in die Amerikaanse immigrasiebeleid van 'n relatief oop deur na toenemende beperkings. Chinees was die eerste teikens, gekategoriseer volgens ras en klas, vir 'n sterk beperkte wettige toetrede. Die wet van 1882 bevestig die stryd teen die nasionaliteitswet van 1790 teen Asiërs en was die eerste immigrasiewet wat aktief toegepas is.

        In hierdie vroeë poging tot immigrasiebeperking het die Withuis en die ministerie van buitelandse sake daarop aangedring dat bestaande verdragsvoorwaardes nagekom moet word, spesifiek die Burlingame -verdrag van 1868 wat die regte van vrye migrasie vir beide Amerikaners en Chinese verseker het. Hierdie terme is heronderhandel met die Angell -verdrag van 1880, wat die Verenigde State toegelaat het om Chinese migrasie te beperk, maar nie heeltemal te beëindig nie. Die kongres het vinnig opgetree om hierdie wet van 1882 wat deur Chinese volgens ras is, te wette en werkers teiken deur wettige toegang toe te laat enigste na streng omskrewe vrygestelde kategorieë soos handelaars, handelsfamilielede, diplomate, toeriste, studente en terugkerende arbeiders. Hierdie terme was moeilik om af te dwing met probleme met die betroubare verifiëring van regstatus, identiteite en gesinsverhoudings en die beheer van inskrywings oor beide die Kanadese en Mexikaanse landgrense. Baie van die grondslae van die handhawing van immigrasiebeleid het ontstaan ​​met pogings om die Chinese uitsluitingswette in werking te stel.

        Bron

        Terwyl die mening van die regering van die Verenigde State die koms van Chinese arbeiders na hierdie land die goeie orde van sekere plekke in die gebied daarvan in gevaar stel:

        Of dit nou deur die Senaat en Huis van Verteenwoordigers van die Verenigde State van Amerika op die kongres vergader is, Dat van en na die verstryking van negentig dae volgende na die verloop van hierdie wet, en tot die verstryking van tien jaar volgende na die verloop van hierdie wet, die koms van Chinese arbeiders na die Verenigde State sal wees, en dieselfde is hierby, opgeskort en tydens sodanige skorsing is dit nie geoorloof om 'n Chinese arbeider te kom nie, of na die verstryking van die negentig dae in die Verenigde State te bly. . . .

        SEK. 4. Dit met die doel om Chinese arbeiders in die Verenigde State behoorlik te identifiseer. . . die doeaneversamelaar van die distrik waaruit so 'n Chinese arbeider uit die Verenigde State sal vertrek, gaan persoonlik of per adjunk aan boord van elke vaartuig wat sulke Chinese arbeiders aan boord het en uit sy distrik vertrek of op die punt staan ​​om te vaar buitelandse hawe, en maak op so 'n vaartuig 'n lys van al die Chinese arbeiders wat in die registerboeke vir die doel aangeteken moet word, waarin die naam, ouderdom, beroep, laaste woonplek, fisiese merke vermeld moet word. eienaardighede en alle feite wat nodig is vir die identifisering van elk van hierdie Chinese arbeiders. . . .

        SEK. 12. Dat geen Chinese persoon per land die Verenigde State mag binnegaan sonder om die sertifikaat in hierdie wet aan die regte doeanebeampte voor te lê van Chinese persone wat van 'n vaartuig wil land nie. En elke Chinese persoon wat onregmatig in die Verenigde State aangetref word, moet na aanleiding van 'n geregtigheid na die land van die land verwyder word waar hy vandaan kom, onder leiding van die president van die Verenigde State en ten koste van die Verenigde State , regter of kommissaris van 'n hof van die Verenigde State en bevind dat dit 'n persoon is wat nie wettiglik geregtig is om in die Verenigde State te wees of te bly nie.

        SEK.13. Dat hierdie wet nie van toepassing is op diplomatieke en ander amptenare van die Chinese regering wat die sake van die regering onderneem nie, wie se geloofsbriewe as gelykstaande aan die sertifikaat in hierdie genoemde wet beskou word, en hulle en hul liggaam en huishoudelike persone vrystel uit die bepalings van hierdie wet, soos vir ander Chinese persone.

        SEK. 14. Dat hierna geen staatshof of hof van die Verenigde State Chinees tot burgerskap sal toelaat nie en dat alle wette wat in stryd is met hierdie wet, hiermee herroep word.

        SEK 15. Dat die woorde “Chineese arbeiders ”, waar dit ook al in hierdie wet gebruik word, uitgelê moet word as geskoolde en ongeskoolde arbeiders en Chinese wat in mynbou werk.
        Goedgekeur, 6 Mei 1882.

        Ontleding

        Sedert 1882 het die Verenigde State opgehou om 'n nasie van immigrante te wees wat buitelanders sonder beperkings, grense of hekke verwelkom het. In plaas daarvan het dit 'n. . poortwag nasie. . . In die proses het die definisie van wat dit beteken om 'n ‘American ’ te wees, selfs meer uitsluitend geword. ”

        Erika Lee in haar boek By America's Gates: Chinese immigrasie tydens die uitsluitingsperiode, 1882-1943.


        Chinese uitsluiting in die verlede en die hede: Chinese immigrasie en die proses van "ander"

        Chinese migrasie -gedenktekens in die Verenigde State is vir ewig gevorm deur die diskriminasie wat Chinese toegepas is deur die Chinese uitsluitingswet van 1882. As die eerste wetgewing wat immigrasie na die Verenigde State beperk, het die Chinese uitsluitingswet 'n beperkende presedent geskep vir toekomstige immigrasiebeleid . Alhoewel die Chinese uitsluitingswet lankal verby is, beteken dit nie dat diskriminasie teen Chinese immigrante nie vandag nog geld nie. Ek voer aan dat die bestaan ​​van meer fisiese ruimtes, insluitend meer gedenktekens, vir Chinese etniese gemeenskappe "ander" Chinese immigrante en Chinese-Amerikaners uit die res van die Amerikaanse samelewing. Alhoewel die definisie van "andersing" van geleerde tot geleerde verskil, bly die kerndefinisie dieselfde: a 'n stel dinamika, prosesse en strukture wat marginaliteit en volgehoue ​​ongelykheid veroorsaak in 'n volledige reeks menslike verskille, gebaseer op groepsidentiteite (Powell, et al.). Terwyl Chinese immigrante probeer om hul eie kulture en geskiedenis te behou deur die ontwikkeling van gedenktekens en steeds meer uitgestrekte Chinatowns, het buitestaanders 'n meer konkrete manier om 'ander' Chinese immigrante. Hierdie verskynsel is 'n voorbeeld van die moeilike balans wat immigrantegemeenskappe in die Verenigde State moet onderneem: om u kultuur te behou deur meer immigrantspesifieke ruimtes te bou of om makliker in die Amerikaanse samelewing op te neem.

        In 1882 het die Amerikaanse kongres die eerste federale immigrasiewet aanvaar om immigrante van 'n spesifieke nasionaliteit te verbied. Die Chinese uitsluitingswet van 1882 was 'n belangrike wetgewing wat voortspruit uit anti-Chinese sentiment. Voorstanders van die wet het verklarings gemaak soos

        "As ons aanhou om hierdie vreemde mense, met hul besondere beskawing, in te voer totdat hulle 'n aansienlike deel van ons bevolking uitmaak, wat sal die uitwerking op die Amerikaanse volk en die Angelsaksiese beskawing wees? Kan hulle halfpad ontmoet, en so saamsmelt in 'n bastergeslag, half Chinees en half Kaukasies, om 'n beskawing te skep, half heidens, half Christelik, half-oosters, heeltemal gemeng en baie sleg? "

        -Senator John Franklin Miller (13 Cong. Rec. 28 Feb. 1882)

        Die Chinese uitsluitingswet van 1882 en die anti-Chinese sentiment wat dit ondersteun, het 'n omgewing van Chinese diskriminasie bevorder. Dit was egter eers meer as 'n eeu later dat monumente ter herinnering aan hierdie diskriminasie tot stand gekom het. Chinese Amerikaner: Uitsluiting/insluiting, 'n uitstalling wat in 2014 in die Chinese Historical Society of America Museum gestig is, fokus op die Chinese uitsluitingswet en die impak daarvan op Chinese immigrasie en Chinese immigrante wat reeds in die Verenigde State woon. Hierdie neiging tot herdenking van sekere diskriminerende gebeurtenisse lank na die feit is nie net beperk tot Chinese Amerikaners nie - u hoef net te kyk na The National Memorial for Peace and Justice, 'n gedenkteken van 2018 wat toegewy is aan slagoffers van lynch. Wat het hierdie onlangse ontwikkeling van die bou van gedenktekens veroorsaak, en hoe hou dit verband met ander? Die antwoord het te doen met kollektiewe geheue, 'n term wat deur Maurice Halbwachs geskep is. Kollektiewe geheue word kortliks gedefinieer as die geheue van 'n samelewing, wat dikwels aansienlik beïnvloed word deur die identiteit van die samelewing. Die samelewing het onlangs verskuif na die oortuiging dat gedenktekens belangrik is in die kollektiewe geheue, veral die herinnering aan ontstellende gebeurtenisse soos diskriminerende of rassistiese praktyke. Die herdenking van diskriminerende gebeurtenisse, hoewel dit belangrik is vir die ontwikkeling van kollektiewe geheue, is egter diskreet 'ander' spesifieke groepe. Die gedenktekens fokus self op hoe groepe deur die samelewing "anders" is. Die fokus van Chinese Amerikaners op die uiteensetting van hoe die Amerikaanse samelewing in die verlede Chinese immigrante 'anders' gemaak het, is self 'n ander vorm van 'anders'. Die konstruksie van gedenktekens bied 'n geografiese basis vir die verdere skeiding van Chinese Amerikaners van die Amerikaanse samelewing, 'n punt wat verder uitgebrei word deur die groeiende ontwikkeling van Chinatowns.

        Die idee dat die konstruksie van aparte fisiese ruimtes 'anders' maak, is nie 'n nuwe konsep nie. In Chuo Li se ontleding van die naoorlogse herontwikkeling van die Chinatown van San Francisco, voer sy aan dat die argitektuur en beplanning van 'n aparte fisiese ruimte wat spesifiek vir die Chinese bedoel is in 'n groot Amerikaanse stad, bygedra het tot die sosiale konstruksie daarvan as 'n ruimte van 'andersheid'.

        Konflik en politieke gevegte oor die ruimte in Chinatown het groepsidentiteit gegenereer en versterk. Chinatown, as 'n opstandige sosiopolitieke ruimte, bevat die duidelike kulturele waardes en ekonomiese doeleindes van die marginale groepe. Etnisiteit het 'n mobiliserende krag geword wat groepspolitisering moontlik gemaak het en die gemeenskap gehelp het om outonomie in sy stedelike habitat te behou. Die daad van politieke mobilisering om die sosiale behoeftes van Chinese immigrante te verdedig teen die instelling van die groeimasjien deur die staat, het die groepsidentiteit versterk en die gemeenskap in sy politieke pogings bemagtig. Op hierdie manier het 'geminimaliseerde ruimte', 'n idee wat Laguere noem as 'n meganisme van die hegemoniese mag van die dominante groep, ook die subalterne minderheid bemagtig wat dit ontwikkel het as 'n infrastruktuur van weerstand en uiteindelik ondersteuning (Li).

        As Chinatowns gebou word, as ruimtes gebou deur en vir Chinese gemeenskappe, dra Chinese mense by tot hul eie segregasie. Hulle 'ander' hulself met hul eie gemeenskappe wat Chinese-vriendelik en heeltemal vreemd is vir buitestaanders. Hierdie gemeenskappe word nie net ruimtelik verwyder uit die stede waarin hulle woon nie, maar hulle is ook byna heeltemal ontoeganklik vir nie-Chinese mense. Elke teken, elke spyskaart, elke produk is in Chinees, met slegs 'n paar Engelse woorde versprei. Vir die grootste deel is almal in 'n Chinatown Chinees en praat hulle Chinees. Natuurlik is dit die geval, aangesien dit is 'n Chinatown, tog. Vir 'n buitestaander wat kyk, is hul stereotipes en begrip van Chinese Amerikaners egter uiters beperk tot wat die Chinatown aanbied. 'N Buitestander het 'n betonruimte wat aan Chinese mense opgedra is om hulle verder te "help". Die toenemende ontwikkeling en bestaan ​​van Chinatowns in die 21ste eeu dra by tot kollektiewe geheue.

        Skrywers en historici het dikwels 'n sterk abstrakte bewustheid van die onderlinge verbindings van ruimte, tyd, geheue en herinnering, maar geograwe is geneig om hardnekkig en in baie meer detail die presiese maniere na te gaan waarop geheue ingebed word in die werklike, fisiese landskap, deur die daaglikse gewoontes en bewegings wat verband hou met spesifieke geboue, paadjies, monumente en vergesigte (Mitchell).

        Die 'ander' van Chinese immigrante het mettertyd verander. In die vroeë geskiedenis van die Verenigde State het die federale regering Chinese immigrante 'anders' gemaak deur hul immigrasie spesifiek na die Verenigde State te beperk. Nou "ander" Chinese immigrante hulself, hoewel nie opsetlik nie, deur die ontwikkeling van aparte fisiese ruimtes om hul eie identiteit te behou. Alhoewel diskriminasie teen Chinese immigrante nie so ernstig is as in die verlede nie, lei die bestaan ​​van aparte fisiese ruimtes vir Chinese immigrante steeds tot sekere vorme van diskriminasie. In werklikheid voer Shimpi aan dat diskriminasie teen Chinese immigrante oor tyd nie veel verander het nie:

        In hierdie manuskrip ondersoek ons ​​die enkele geval van Chinese Amerikaanse immigrasie in die Verenigde State oor 'n tydperk van 150 jaar om te ondersoek hoe gesprekke en debatte oor immigrasie en immigrante oor tyd verander het. Ons vind merkwaardig min verandering in die waarde van hierdie gesprekke (sien ook Mullen, 2001) of in die presiese inhoud van die uitbeeldings van Chinese Amerikaners oor tyd. 'N Gedetailleerde ontleding van uitbeeldings en gesprekke oor Chinese Amerikaners in 'n verskeidenheid kontekste toon aan dat Europese Amerikaners dit dikwels beskryf as: (1) self-afskeiding, (2) gebrek aan lojaliteit aan die Verenigde State en (3) hardwerkend en suksesvol, maar gelyktydig ontbreek aan “menslikheid” (Mariana Shimpi).

        My argument fokus hoofsaaklik op self-segregasie, 'n punt wat Shimpi beklemtoon as 'n aspek van die Chinees-Amerikaanse kultuur wat beïnvloed word deur sowel Chinese immigrante as Amerikaners:

        Beskuldigings van self-segregasie kom dikwels saam met die oortuigings, wette en groter sosiale praktyke uit die 19de en vroeë 20ste eeu, wat Chinese uitgesluit het van Europese, Amerikaanse, sosiale, politieke en opvoedkundige en ekonomiese instellings. Chinese is beskryf as "onderskeidend, apart, gesegregeerd, in alle opsigte vreemd aan die Verenigde State, soos die inwoners van 'n ander wêreld sou wees" (Whitney, 1988, p. 135). As gevolg van hierdie houdings, is hulle gedryf om onderling skole te woon, te werk en by te woon, eerder as om in die dominante kultuur te kon versprei en te assimileer (Lee, 2007 Wing, 2007).

        Hoe wil Chinese Amerikaners in die samelewing onthou word? Dit lyk asof die antwoord toenemend na die 'Chinese' deel eerder as na die 'Amerikaanse' deel neig. Dit is egter belangrik om te onthou dat die self-segregasie van Chinese-Amerikaners uit die res van die Amerikaanse samelewing voorafgegaan is deur skeiding van Chinese-Amerikaners uit die res van die Amerikaanse samelewing deur die Amerikaanse samelewing self. Toe die Amerikaanse samelewing hul diskriminasie teenoor die Chinees-Amerikaners duidelik gemaak het, het die Chinees-Amerikaners na binne begin kyk en hulself van die Amerikaanse samelewing skei. Die enigste manier om hul eie kultuur en geskiedenis te onthou, was om na binne terug te trek, hul eie geskiedenis te smee en die weegskaal na hul 'Chinese' identiteit eerder as hul 'Amerikaanse' identiteit te kantel. Memorials and separate physical spaces meant for immigrant communities are important to preserve culture and history, but they also "other" communities. It's an unavoidable aspect of being an immigrant, and a constant balancing act of the identities on either side of the hyphen.


        Episode 1, Lesson 3: Chinese Exclusion Act

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        The Burlingame-Seward Treaty, 1868

        China and the United States concluded the Burlingame-Seward Treaty in 1868 to expand upon the Treaty of Tianjin of 1858. The new treaty established some basic principles that aimed to ease immigration restrictions, and represented a Chinese effort to limit American interference in internal Chinese affairs.

        Anson Burlingame, a lawyer and former Republican representative to Congress from Massachusetts, became the U.S. Minister to China in 1861 and, under the orders of Secretary of State William Seward, worked to establish the United States as a power in the East. The United States wanted to gain access to profitable trading opportunities and foster the spread of Christianity in Asia, alongside the leading European nations, who also sought to gain inroads in China and Japan. As a part of the general effort to convince the Chinese to adopt a more Western approach to diplomacy and governance, the Western powers also encouraged the Chinese Government to send diplomatic missions abroad. Finally persuaded to do so, the Chinese requested that Burlingame accompany their representatives on a tour that included stops in the major capitals of Washington, London, Paris, and Berlin. Burlingame, originally a representative of the U.S. Government, gave up his post to assist the Chinese in their treaty negotiations with Seward.

        While in Washington, Burlingame negotiated a treaty with Seward to revise and expand upon the points established in the Treaty of Tianjin of 1858. The first few articles of the new treaty protected commerce conducted in Chinese ports and cities, and established the right of China to appoint consuls to American port cities. The more groundbreaking articles included measures that promised the Chinese the right to free immigration and travel within the United States, and allowed for the protection of Chinese citizens in the United States in accordance with the most-favored-nation principle. Another article gave the citizens of the two nations reciprocal access to education and schooling when living in the other country. All of these articles served to reinforce the principle of equality between the two nations.


        Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882: Causes and Effects

        The Chinese Exclusion Act was the result of a combination of envy of Chinese labor, coupled with a misguided notion of white racial superiority. If you're wondering why the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was passed, then your search ends right here! Historyplex tells you what was the purpose of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, along with several facts about its background, causes, effects, and significance.

        The Chinese Exclusion Act was the result of a combination of envy of Chinese labor, coupled with a misguided notion of white racial superiority. If you’re wondering why the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was passed, then your search ends right here! Historyplex tells you what was the purpose of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, along with several facts about its background, causes, effects, and significance.

        Modern United States is a pluralistic society, composed of people from different ethnic origins. Immigrants have traditionally been drawn to this country by its reputation as the ‘land of opportunities’, and, in turn, they have helped shape its society in their own way, without which it wouldn’t be the superpower it is today. While America’s immigration policies may be under debate today, there have been a few regrettable periods in its past, when racial identities played an important role in their formulation. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 rightly fits this description.

        One of the main reasons for America’s rapid industrial development in the middle of the 19th century was the Transcontinental Railroad Project. Workers arriving from China provided the main labor force for this railroad, which connected distant parts of the vast country, besides making communication faster. But they did not receive any recognition for their sacrifices. In fact, these workers were even excluded from the celebrations of the project upon its completion in 1869.

        This kind of discrimination culminated in the passing of the Chinese Exclusion Act, which aimed to keep out Chinese laborers from America. Let us see some more important facts about the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.

        What Was the Purpose of the Chinese Exclusion Act?

        This was a Congressional Act which was signed by President Chester A. Arthur on May 6, 1882, which intended to ban the immigration of Chinese laborers to USA for the next ten years. Its summary is as follows:

        • Skilled and unskilled Chinese workers involved in the mining industry were prohibited from entering America for a decade.
        • Non-laborers needed a certificate from the Chinese government regarding their qualifications.
        • If an earlier immigrant exited the country, he needed a re-entry certificate to be allowed back in.
        • The captain of a ship which knowingly brought Chinese immigrants to American shores was liable for a fine of $500 per immigrant, along with a year’s imprisonment.
        • All US Courts were forbidden from conferring citizenship on any Chinese immigrant.
        • It was based under the presumption that, these immigrants posed a threat to the law and order in certain American localities.

        Background and Causes

        When the California Gold Rush began in 1848, it brought with it the promise of wealth, attracting Americans and immigrants alike. A large part of these immigrants were Chinese, who faced abject poverty back home owing to a civil war. They had initially planned to make money and return to their families in China. However, soon, the reserves of gold began thinning out, and these immigrants were forced to seek long-term jobs.

        In the 1860s, authorities from the Central Pacific Railroad began hiring laborers to work on the Transcontinental Railroad Project. Most American laborers were unwilling to work on it, but the Chinese excelled in such backbreaking work, and were a favorite of employers, especially because of their readiness to work for low wages. These immigrants had to send money back home to feed their families, apart from paying back merchants who had helped send them to America, and hence, gladly accepted low wages, since these were more than they would earn in China. In fact, these laborers were so instrumental in the construction of the railroad, that the US and China signed the Burlingame Treaty in 1868, which granted freedom from persecution to immigrants from either country.

        In the post-Civil War years of the early 1870s, the American economy was in a mess, resulting in large-scale job cuts. Many labor unions began blaming the Chinese for wage reductions and employment issues, as they agreed to work for much lower pay than their white counterparts. In fact, American laborers had traditionally demanded higher wages. Moreover, some thought that the Chinese had been sending large quantities of gold found in the mines back home, which was affecting the American economy.

        Meanwhile, the Chinese laborers retained their customs and established close-knit communities in the country, without integrating into the mainstream. Rumors spread that areas with significant Chinese populations had turned into dens of prostitution, gambling, and opium abuse, thus threatening American culture. On the other hand, many people, including senators, also held the racist argument that these Asian immigrants were diluting the superiority of the white race. Many states passed laws forbidding marriage between the Chinese and whites.

        As the dislike for the Chinese grew in America, the government found it hard to balance the feelings of Americans with the country’s relations with China. Meanwhile, ethnic riots broke out in parts of the country, where white miners targeted the Chinese, resulting in several deaths in San Francisco in 1877, and in Denver in 1880. In this backdrop, the US and China reached an agreement, wherein China agreed to the US limiting the number of Chinese immigrants, without prohibiting them completely.

        However, as the political clout of the labor unions grew, Congress stepped in and tried to pass the first version of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1881, which aimed to prevent Chinese immigration for twenty years altogether. President Chester A. Arthur vetoed this bill, saying that it was too harsh. The Act was finally signed by the president on May 6, 1882, with the period of prohibition decreased to ten years.

        Effects and Significance

        The Chinese Exclusion Act was one of the dark phases in American history. On June 18, 2012, the House of Representatives apologized for this Act, which ended up oppressing innocent immigrants for almost 80 years, and severely tarnished the country’s image.


        Anti-Asian violence in the United States has soared in recent years. According to a March 2021 report from California State University at San Bernardino, violent crimes against Asians and Asian Americans in major U.S. cities rose by nearly 150% in 2020, even as officially defined “hate crimes” fell nationwide by 6%. The trend was especially dramatic in large East Coast cities, where reported anti-Asian hate crimes rose by more than 100% in Boston, 200% in Philadelphia and Cleveland, and more than 800% in New York City.

        Much of the increase is ascribed to the COVID-19 pandemic, which originated in China. Labels like “China virus” and “kung flu” exacerbated fears and fueled racism toward, in particular, people of East Asian ancestry. (Underscoring the irrationality, it seems clear at this point that the virus arrived on the U.S. East Coast via Europe.)

        The idea that individuals of Asian descent were disease vectors who could literally or figuratively infect America is sadly not new. This week, we look back to May 1882, when President Chester A. Arthur signed a law that for the first time singled out a specific nation — China — and denied its citizens entry into the United States.

        Significant Chinese immigration to the United States began in the middle of the 19th century. The so-called “coolie trade” brought many thousands of Chinese laborers abroad every year, often against their will as indentured servants (or worse). Trafficking in Chinese labor was investigated on numerous occasions as a form of slavery — this column wrote about one notable incident from 1855, the Wawerlik Incident). Most notably, from 1865 to 1869, tens of thousands of Chinese worked to construct the railway that would link the east and west coasts of the U.S., a story Gordon H. Chang tells movingly and in brilliant detail in Ghosts of Gold Mountain (and in a more scholarly collected volume, The Chinese and the Iron Road, which Chang edited with Shelley Fisher Fishkin).

        The growing United States saw Chinese labor as a solution to its appetite for labor, but there was a catch. The Qing empire had never encouraged emigration, and had sometimes explicitly forbidden it. Ironically, given the future course of events, the U.S. sent an ambassador to China to guarantee the right of Chinese to freely emigrate. Signed in 1868, just a year before the transcontinental railroad was completed, the so-called Burlingame Treaty (named for American ambassador Anson Burlingame) was not intended as a measure to open the U.S. to immigration — although it did that — but to ensure that China wouldn’t shut the tap that could slake America’s thirst for cheap labor.

        One provision of the Burlingame Treaty was that it outlawed the involuntary transportation of Chinese to the United States, a measure that was intended to counter trafficking and kidnapping. Only voluntary migration was ensured. Even so, the American demand for labor had a sinister side: in the wake of the civil war, low-cost agricultural labor was sought to replace newly emancipated African-American labor, in addition to the demands of the expanding country.

        The Burlingame Treaty achieved its goal of bringing Chinese labor to the U.S., but almost as soon as the treaty was enacted, many Americans began to reconsider the idea.

        In April 1870 — just two years after the treaty — factory owners in North Adams, Massachusetts, hired 75 Chinese men to break a strike. Word spread that Chinese were stealing jobs, accepting lower wages than could be paid to white Americans. Despite the fact that in the 1870 census just 0.17% of the U.S. population was found to be Chinese (about 63,000 people, almost all of them in the western states, out of 38 million), political action to stop Chinese immigration began.

        The 1875 Page Act exploited the language about “voluntary migration” to erect barriers. Formally, the law prohibited immigration of contract workers and prostitutes, but since most Chinese men were assumed to be indentured and most women were taken to be prostitutes — and proving otherwise was difficult — its effects were far wider than that. Still, since the Burlingame Treaty had allowed only “voluntary” migration, the law was seen as legal. (One consequence of the Page Act was that the already low percentage of women among Chinese migration to America fell even further, to the point that many Chinese communities in American were nearly entirely male.)

        Anti-Chinese rhetoric intensified over the 1876 U.S. presidential election, a close and racially fraught campaign centering on Reconstruction in the South and westward expansion. Although the Pacific states were sparsely populated, tight electoral math made their handful of electoral votes crucial, so both major parties pandered to anti-Chinese sentiment on the West Coast.

        Rutherford Hayes was elected president despite losing the popular vote. In 1879, he vetoed a bill limiting the number of Chinese who could be on board any ship arriving in the U.S. to 15, on the grounds that it contravened the Burlingame Treaty. But Hayes ordered the Burlingame Treaty renegotiated. In 1880, the Angell Treaty was signed, granting China some additional trading privileges in the U.S. but, crucially, giving the U.S. the right to “regulate, limit, or suspend” Chinese immigration.

        Congress wasted little time. Eighteen months after the Angell Treaty was signed, a bill proposing a 20-year ban on Chinese immigration overwhelmingly passed the Senate and House, and landed on the desk of President Chester Arthur. Like Hayes before him, Arthur at first exercised his veto power, fearing that the bill violated the new treaty’s permission to suspend, but not prohibit, immigration. Congress promptly sent a new bill calling for a 10-year ban.

        On May 6, 1882, Arthur signed the bill, which went into effect three days later, banning “skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining” from coming to the United States for 10 years. In effect, almost no Chinese were able to legally immigrate. At the time, there were just 105,000 Chinese in America, about 0.1% of the population.

        The law went beyond immigration. Chinese who were already in the United State were excluded from U.S. citizenship, and if they left the U.S. — for instance, to visit family in China — they would need to obtain a reentry certificate. Since this certificate would be subject to the new act’s requirements, in practical terms any Chinese living in the United States were cut off from their relatives.

        In a now-famous letter published in the New York Sun, a Chinese student described his reaction to a subscription campaign to support the Statue of Liberty, still awaiting a pedestal to take its place in New York harbor. Saum Song Bo wrote:

        “My countrymen and myself are honored in being thus appealed to as citizens in the cause of liberty. But the word liberty makes me think of the fact that this country is the land of liberty for men of all nations except the Chinese. That statue represents Liberty holding a torch — which lights the passage of those of all nations who come into this country. But are the Chinese allowed to come? Are the Chinese here allowed to enjoy liberty as men of all other nationalities enjoy it? Free from the insults, abuse, assaults, wrongs and injuries from which men of other nationalities are free? By the law of this nation, a chinaman cannot become a citizen. Whether this statute against the Chinese — or the Statue of Liberty — will be the more lasting monument to tell future ages of the liberty and greatness of this country, will be known only to future generations.”

        Saum Song Bo’s questions were answered, starkly, in the decades to follow. Subsequent laws clarified that the exclusion applied not only to Qing subjects, but to any ethnic Chinese, regardless of national origin. The original 10-year ban was extended in 1892, and again in 1902, when not only were Chinese forbidden from immigration to the United States indefinitely, but any Chinese living in the country were required to obtain residence certificates, without which they faced deportation. Violence, including lynchings, of Chinese and Chinese Americans were common enough that they raised protests in China (a topic I will take up next week).

        Not until 1943 — when China was a wartime ally of the United States — was the ban on Chinese immigration lifted. In that year, a token quota of 105(!) Chinese nationals were permitted to immigrate. Not until 1965 was large-scale immigration of Chinese allowed.

        I commonly refer readers to important books and articles on the topics of these columns. This time, I refer with anticipation to a book not yet published: Columbia historian Mae Ngai’s The Chinese Question is expected to be published in August, and promises a comprehensive history of Chinese immigration to the United States.

        James Carter is Professor of History and part of the Nealis Program in Asian Studies at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. He is the author of three books on China’s modern history, most recently Champions Day: The End of Old Shanghai. Lees meer


        Footnotes

        5 Ronald Takaki, A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America (New York: Little, Brown and Company, 1993): 196 Erika Lee, The Making of Asian America: A History (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2015): 65, 72.

        6 Ronald Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans, ds. red. (Boston, MA: Back Bay Books, 1998): 35–36.

        7 Daniel J. Tichenor, Dividing Lines: The Politics of Immigration Control in America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002): 93 Treaty of Trade, Consuls, and Emigration, U.S.-China, 16 Stat. 739 (1868).

        8 Elmer Clarence Sandmeyer, Anti-Chinese Movement in California (1939 repr., Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991): 25–39 David Haward Bain, Empire Express: Building the First Transcontinental Railroad (New York: Penguin Books, 1999): 206.

        9 Bain, Empire Express: 640, 671 Lee, The Making of Asian America: 93.

        10 Charles S. Campbell, Transformation of American Foreign Relations, 1865–1900 (New York: Harper and Row, 1975): 114 Lawrence H. Chamberlain, President, Congress and Legislation (1946 repr., New York: AMS Press, 1967): 353 Robert A. Divine, American Immigration Policy, 1924–1952 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1957): 19–20.

        11 Justus D. Doenecke, The Presidencies of James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1981): 82 Campbell, Transformation of American Foreign Relations: 116n30 Roger Daniels, Asian America: Chinese and Japanese in the United States since 1850 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1988): 55 22 Stat. 826 (1880).

        12 Andrew Gyory, Closing the Gate: Race, Politics, and the Chinese Exclusion Act (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998): 222–223 Sandmeyer, Anti-Chinese Movement in California: 92 Chamberlain, President, Congress and Legislation: 354 Campbell, Transformation of American Foreign Relations: 116n33, 117 Stephen W. Stathis, Landmark Legislation, 1774–2002: Major U.S. Acts and Treaties (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2003): 122 Chinese Exclusion Act, 22 Stat. 58 (1882).

        13 For legal examples, see Fong Yue Ting v. United States, 149 U.S. 698 (1893) and Chae Chan Ping v. United States, 130 U.S. 581 (1889). In the United States v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649 (1898), the Supreme Court upheld the Fourteenth Amendment in which a child born in the United States became an American citizen even if his or her parents were Chinese aliens. Melvin I. Urofsky and Paul Finkelman, March of Liberty: A Constitutional History of the United States, vol. 1, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002): 487–488 Daniels, Asian America: 58 Morton Keller, Affairs of State: Public Life in Late Nineteenth Century America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977): 444 Lee, The Making of Asian America: 84–85.

        14 Stathis, Landmark Legislation: 137 Sandmeyer, Anti-Chinese Movement in California: 106–108 Daniels, Asian America: 112.

        15 Sucheng Chan, Asian Americans: An Interpretive History (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1991): 11 Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: 46 Daniels, Asian America: 104–105, 109.

        16 The 1890 U.S. Census, for example, listed just 1,147 Japanese living in California. See Daniels, Asian America: 112.

        17 Lewis L. Gould, The Presidency of William McKinley (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1980): 133, 146, 203–204 Lewis L. Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, 2de uitg. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2011): 12–13.

        18 Daniels, Asian America: 109–110, 112.

        19 Ibid., 112 Raymond A. Esthus, Theodore Roosevelt and Japan (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1966): 129.

        20 Roger Daniels, Politics of Prejudice: The Anti-Japanese Movement in California and the Struggle for Japanese Exclusion (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962): 8, 22, 113 Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: 200–201.

        21 Charles E. Neu, An Uncertain Friendship: Theodore Roosevelt and Japan, 1906–1909 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967): 23, 130 Daniels, Politics of Prejudice: 32–33.

        22 Roger Daniels, Coming to America: A History of Immigration and Ethnicity in American Life (New York: Harper Perennial, 1990): 256–257 Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: 201.

        23 Neu, Uncertain Friendship: 62, 66–67, 79 Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: 201–203.

        24 Gould, Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt: 252 Neu, Uncertain Friendship: 79–80 Daniels, Politics of Prejudice: 95 Chamberlain, President, Congress and Legislation: 369.

        25 Esthus, Theodore Roosevelt and Japan: 295.

        26 Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: 203 Esthus, Theodore Roosevelt and Japan: 287–291.

        27 Lee, The Making of Asian America: 132 Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: 206–207.

        28 Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: 205. The individual cases are: Terrace v. Thompson, 263 U.S. 197 (1923) Porterfield v. Webb, 263 U.S. 225 (1923) Webb v. O’Brien, 263 U.S. 313 (1923) and Frick v. Webb, 263 U.S. 326 (1923). See Chan, Asian Americans: 47.

        29 Chan, Asian Americans: 95–96 Daniels, Asian America: 298–299 David M. Reimers, Still the Golden Door: The Third World Comes to America, 2de uitg. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992): 18–19.

        30 Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: 412–413 Mitchell T. Maki, Harry H. L. Kitano, and S. Megan Berthold, Achieving the Impossible Dream: How Japanese Americans Obtained Redress (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1999): 55, 249n11.

        31 Senator Lyman Trumbull of Illinois tried to extend naturalization privileges to Chinese immigrants, but it was voted down. Daniels, Asian America: 43, 43n31.

        32 Yuji Ichioka, The Issei: The World of the First Generation Japanese Immigrants, 1885–1924 (New York: Free Press, 1988): 216 Chan, Asian Americans: 47, 92–93.

        33 Ozawa v. United States, 260 U.S. 178 (1922): 197.

        34 Ichioka, The Issei: 221 Ozawa v. United States, 260 U.S. 178 (1922): 198 Daniels, Politics of Prejudice: 98.

        35 United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind, 261 U.S. 204 (1923): 214–215 Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: 299 Chan, Asian Americans: 94.

        36 Chan, Asian Americans: 55 Michael E. Parrish, Anxious Decades: America in Prosperity and Depression, 1920–1941 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1994): 110 Bill Ong Hing, Making and Remaking Asian America through Immigration Policy, 1850–1990 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993): 32.

        37 Lee, The Making of Asian America: 171 Stathis, Landmark Legislation: 174 Daniels, Asian America: 149–150 Hing, Making and Remaking Asian America: 70.

        38 John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925, 2nd ed. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1988): 302, 304–307, 309–311 Chamberlain, President, Congress and Legislation: 367–369 Tichenor, Dividing Lines: 142–143 Daniels, Coming to America: 280 Presidential Vetoes, 1789–1976 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1978): 216.

        39 Daniels, Politics of Prejudice: 95 Chamberlain, President, Congress and Legislation: 369 Stathis, Landmark Legislation: 183 Public Law 67-5, 42 Stat. 5 (1921).

        40 Parrish, Anxious Decades: 112 Lee, The Making of Asian America: 134.

        41 Chamberlain, President, Congress and Legislation: 369 Higham, Strangers in the Land: 319 Parrish, Anxious Decades: 112.

        42 Chamberlain, President, Congress and Legislation: 370–371 Higham, Strangers in the Land: 310–321 Parrish, Anxious Decades: 112 Daniels, Coming to America: 282–283.

        43 Akira Iriye, After Imperialism: The Search for a New Order in the Far East, 1921–1931 (1965 repr., Chicago, IL: Imprint Publications, 1990): 35.

        44 Parrish, Anxious Decades: 112 Chamberlain, President, Congress and Legislation: 371–373 Immigration Act of 1924, Public Law 68-139, 43 Stat. 153 (1924).

        45 Lee, The Making of Asian America: 135 Yuka Fujioka, “The Thought War: Public Diplomacy by Japan’s Immigrants in the United States,” in Tumultuous Decade: Empire, Society, and Diplomacy in 1930s Japan, ed. Masato Kimura and Tosh Minohara (Toronto, CN: University of Toronto Press, 2013): 164.

        46 Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: 210.

        47 Akira Iriye, Across the Pacific: An Inner History of American-East Asian Relations (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1967): 115, 152–153.


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