Mendel Grossman

Mendel Grossman



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Mendel Grossman is gebore in Lodz in 1917. Na die besetting van Pole deur die Duitse leër in September 1939, het hy by die ondergrondse in die stad aangesluit.

Gedwing om in die Lodz -getto te woon, gebruik hy sy pos in die statistiekafdeling om die materiaal te bekom wat nodig is om foto's te neem. Deur sy kamera in sy reënjas te verberg, kon Grossman geheime foto's neem van tonele in die ghetto.

Grossman het steeds foto's geneem nadat hy na die Konigs Wusterhausen -arbeidskamp gedeporteer is. Mendel Grossman sterf terwyl hy in die kamp was in 1945. Na die oorlog is sy verborge negatiewe ontdek en sy werk is in die boek gepubliseer, Met 'n kamera in die Ghetto (1977).


Mendel Grossman

Kom na Henryk Ross toe Mendel Grossman kan 'n lewendige en fotografiese opname maak van die Ghetto di Łódź. Anche a lui fu imposto di realizzare immagini per i documenti di riconoscimento degli ebrei, dei deceduti e di documentare la bella vita che la gente conduceva nel ghetto. Ma anche lui, kom Ross, fotografò le condizioni reali degli ebrei.

Mordka Mendel Grossman nacque da Szmul Dawid Grossman e Haya, una famiglia ebrea chassidica. Dopo la prima guerra mondiale la sua famiglia si stabilì a Łódź. Ons kan nie meer die ritme gebruik nie, maar ons kan ook nie meer foto's gebruik nie. Diventato fotografo professionista si avvicinò al teatro, riprendendo scene, attori e attrici, tra cui l'allora famoso Teatro Habimah in tour, poco prima della guerra, che fece tappa anche a Łódź [1]. Nel 1939, con l'arrivo dei nazisti che occuparono la città e la creazione del ghetto, anche Grossman e la sua famiglia furono internati. Il Ghetto di Łódź fu creato nell'area più industrializzata ma anche la più malsana, dove non esisteva un sistema fognario e neanche il riscaldamento e dove perfino l'acqua era razionata, 4 chilometri quadrati circondati da filo spinato, sorvegliato d. Grazie alla sua professione gli fu imposto di fotografare. Il Consiglio ebraico nel Dipartimento di Statistica (Judenrat), autorità sottoposta e controllata dai tedeschi, pensava che se fossero state diffuse immagini dell'impegno degli ebrei nel lavoro, altresì durissimo che li teneva impegnati 12 ore al giorno per fabbri Wehrmacht e da clienti tedeschi, sarebbero stati trattati meglio dai nazisti [2].

Grossman, che fu internato dal 1940 al 1945, riprese la condizione di vita degli ebrei, fotografò le esecuzioni sommarie, i traini super affollati che trasportavano la gente nel campo di sterminio di Chełmno, i bambini nei carri, anche loro destinati nei campi di concentramento kom ek kyk, donne che morivano di fame nei marciapiedi. Fu probabilmente l'attenzione alla sua famiglia che fu e resta uno degli aspetti più toccanti: egli li fotografò negli anni di prigionia nel ghetto, i suoi genitori, le due sorelle ed il nipotino Yankush. Grossman li fotografò mentre facevano file interminabili alla distribuzione del cibo, a mangiare sotto le coperte a causa del freddo intenso, li vide morire ad uno ad uno per la fame, il freddo e lo sfinimento [3].

Alla fine del 1944 il destino dei nazisti era segnato grazie all'avanzata dell'Armata Rossa ed i tedeschi volevano cancellare le testimonianze dei loro crimini, per questo trasferirono quanti più ebrei verso in campi di sterminio, lasciando dietro di loro il meno e verwoesting en ghetti, foto's en foto's. Grossman, presagendo l'ineluttabile, decise di nascondere i negativei sotto il davanzale della finestra della sua casa, grazie all'aiuto dei suoi amici. Aveva nascosto in barattoli, 'n loro volta chiusi in una scatola, ongeveer 10.000 negatief [4].

Deportato in un campo di lavoro a Königs Wusterhausen, vi rimase fino al 16 aprile 1945. Ormai malato e fortemente denutrito, fu ucciso dai nazisti durante una marcia della morte forzata, ma ancora con la sua macchina fotografica [5]. Aveva 32 jaar. Dopo la fine della guerra i negativei furono ritrovati da Fajge, sorella di Mendel, che li portò in Israele, dove furono collocati nel kibbutz Nitzanim. Durante la guerra di indipendenza del 1948 il kibbutz fu conquistato dagli egiziani e i negativei furono distrutti, Grazie alle molte immagini che Grossman aveva date agli amici è stato possibile ricostruirne la storia [2].


'N Huldeblyk aan Mendel Grossman

Łódź: die eerste van die groot ghetto's in die Duits-besette Pole. Die ghetto word in Februarie 1940 gestig en op 1 Mei 1940 verseël met 160,000 gevangenes in 'n oppervlakte van 1,5 vierkante myl. Die ligging is Bałuty, in die noordelike deel van die stad, die distrik met die swakste behuising en sanitasie in die stad. Die bevolking van die ghetto neem in die volgende twee jaar met baie tienduisende toe en ontvang Jode uit die omliggende gebiede en ook uit Duitsland, Luxemburg, Oostenryk, Tsjeggo -Slowakye. Ongeveer 100 fabrieke word gevestig, wat meestal tekstiele vervaardig vir die Duitse oorlogspoging. Die hoof van die Joodse Raad in die ghetto, Mordechai Chaim Rumkowski, meen dat Jode se beste kans op oorlewing is om die ghetto so produktief moontlik te maak, en hoewel hy verkeerd dink dat goedkoop Joodse arbeid waardevoller gemaak kan word vir die Nazi's as Joodse dood, die ghetto oorleef wel langer as enige ander.

Die lewe in die ghetto is verskriklik, en die dood weens honger en siektes is hoog, en eis ongeveer 50 000 lewens in die eerste twee jaar van die getto. Deportasies na die doodskamp in Chełmno begin in die winter van 1942 en duur tot die herfs van daardie jaar, met 'n totaal van ongeveer 70 000 Jode en 5 000 Roma wat ook in die getto opgesluit is. In die lente van 1944 begin die Duitsers om die ghetto te vernietig en stuur ongeveer 70 000 Jode na Chełmno, en ander na Auschwitz-Birkenau (insluitend Rumkowski). In die winter van 1944 word 'n paar Jode in die ghetto op 'n doodsoptog na die weste gestuur na Duitsland. Toe die Sowjet -leër op 19 Januarie 1945 in Łódź kom, vind hulle nog net 877 Jode wat nog lewe. Van die 223 000 Jode in Łódź voor die inval, oorleef slegs 10 000 die oorlog in skuilplekke op ander plekke.

En Łódź: 'n Poolse stad wat germaniseer en genasifiseer is, soos geen ander stad in Europa nie. Die Poolse bevolking (396 000 in 1940) word voortdurend onder toesig gehou, terreur en dreigemente van uitsetting. Die niemandsland wat tussen die ghetto en die res van die stad ontstaan, is wreed effektief en verbreek feitlik alle kontak tussen die ghetto en die buitewêreld. Daar is inderdaad geen verslag van enige Joodse gesin of individu wat aan die Ariese kant van die stad Łódź oorleef het nie.

Gaan in hierdie wêreld in: Mendel Grossman, gebore in 1913 in 'n Chasidiese gesin, sy kinderjare in Łódź deurbring, na Yeshiva gaan en dan die reguit en smal pad verlaat. In sy twintigerjare word hy fotograaf, skilder en kennis oor letterkunde, teater en kuns. Voor die oorlog fotografeer hy die teater-waar hy belangstel in uitdrukking, lig en drama-en in die strate van Łódź, insluitend 'n opdrag om arme Joodse straatkinders te fotografeer. Beperk tot die ghetto met sy gesin, worstel hy 'n pos as fotograaf vir die Departement van Statistiek in die getto, en maak afbeeldings van produkte wat in die ghetto gemaak is en identiteitsfoto's vir werkpermitte. Hierdie werk dien as dekking vir sy werklike doeleindes - om alle aspekte van die lewe in die ghetto te fotografeer met behulp van die film en papier in die departement se voorraad. Hy word 'n visuele dagboekskrywer, een van die vele ghetto -dagboekskrywers, veral Emanuel Ringelblum in die ghetto van Warskou. Grossman spandeer sy tyd in die strate en stegies, in huise, sopkombuise, werkswinkels en op die begraafplaas, weeshuise, hospitale. Hy fotografeer kinders wat opgeblaas is van honger, en die lewende "doodsberigte", soos die nabye dooies genoem word.

Hy fotografeer konvooie van mans en vroue wat ter dood veroordeel is in Chełmno en later Auschwitz-Birkenau, en openbare teregstellings. Hy fotografeer die alledaagse arbeid van die ghetto-die fabriekswerk en die selfhelpwerk, allerhande organiserings, rekordhouding en kakvervoer. Hy fotografeer die aktiwiteite van die ghetto wat die lewe doelgerig maak - skole, musiek, aanbidding. En hy fotografeer alles wat met kos te doen het: die rantsoenkaartjies, die verspreidingstelsels, die sopkombuise, die duisend maniere waarop honger mense eet. Hy fotografeer gesinne en kinders en bejaardes, en hy fotografeer die ghetto -instellings, veral die sterkes en hul kinders, en hul skandelike lewenswyse wat die lyding van die honger bevolking bespot. Hy fotografeer die lyke in die lykshuis van die getto, en hy fotografeer sy gevangenes - die troepebewegings van die Duitsers self. Met 'n slegte hart klim hy elektriese kragpale, loop op dakke en skaal die toring van 'n kerk in die ghetto. Hy fotografeer die inskripsies op die mure en deure van die verlate huise van die gedeporteerde, hoe onleesbaar dit ook al is, om hulle name te ontsyfer.

Hy word gesleep deur die Gestapo en die Joodse polisie van die ghetto. In Desember 1941 skryf Rumkowski aan Grossman: "Ek stel u hiermee in kennis dat u nie vir privaat doeleindes in u beroep mag werk nie.. U fotografiese werk is slegs beperk tot die aktiwiteite in die afdeling waarin u werk." Grossman se reaksie is om te leer fotografeer met sy kamera onder sy jas versteek en die kamera deur gate in sy sakke te sny. Hy leer sy liggaam draai in die rigting wat hy wil, die jas effens skei en op die sluiter klik. Hy maak 'n kuns om strategies rond te hang en dinge te verwag. Sy moed is verstommend. Op 'n stadium slaag 'n Weense Jood wat tot deportasie veroordeel is, daarin om deur die doringdraad te ontsnap, net om die treinstasie te bereik, sy sakdoek uit te trek en die geel lappie uit sy sak te laat val. Hy word gearresteer, en die inwoners van die ghetto word beveel om bymekaar te kom om sy teregstelling te aanskou. Grossman neem die gebeurtenis af, maar is ontevrede omdat die foto nie naby genoeg is nie. Na 'n paar dae vind 'n ander teregstelling plaas, en Grossman neem nie 'n beskermde posisie in nie, staan ​​eerder in die voorste ry van die skare, direk agter 'n Duitse polisieman. Tydens die teregstelling is die stilte van die skare so absoluut, so gespanne, dat wanneer Grossman op die luiter klik, 'n Duitse polisieman sy kop draai.

Tydens die massiewe deportasies van 1942 gaan die Duitse kriminele polisie en die Joodse polisie van huis tot huis en kies Jode vir die dood. Weerstanders word onmiddellik doodgemaak en hul liggame word op straat in die begraafplaas gegooi, terwyl diegene wat vir die dood gekies is, in die hospitale aangehou word. Grossman, wat 'n streng uitgangspunt uitoefen, heg hom aan die grafgrawers en arbeiders wat beveel is om die dooies te vervoer en te begrawe. Hy fotografeer die gesigte van diegene wat op pad is na die getto, voor hulle in massagrafte neergelê word, en ook die wat wag om begrawe te word, wie se kiste gemerk is met getalle wat later op grafte verskyn: die grafgrawers lig die kop van elke liggaam vinnig op vir Grossman 'n identiteitsfoto neem. Hy fotografeer eweneens obsessief die uitstuurkonvooie van 1943, wat hom in groot gevaar stel, veral op die treinstasie waar die Duitse polisie Jode op treine stoot.

Tussen 1940-1944 maak Grossman meer as 10.000 foto's, gee 'n groot onbekende nommer weg aan mense wat dit vra, en in die somer van 1944 verberg 'n volledige geannoteerde argief van sy werk in blikkiesblikke wat in 'n houtkrat gestapel is. Hy plaas sy argief in 'n holte in die muur onder die vensterbank in sy woonstel. Grossman word gedeporteer op een van die laaste treine wat die ghetto verlaat. Na sy deportasie vind die Gestapo van sy afdrukke in verlate woonstelle en soek hy tevergeefs na hom in die ghetto. Alleen, geskei van sy familie en vriende, arriveer hy in 'n werkkamp in Duitsland. Die kamp word ontruim enkele dae voor die Duitse oorgawe, en Grossman, 32 jaar oud, in duie stort van 'n hartaanval tydens die doodsmars. Ek verbeel my dat sy kamera nog by hom is in die sneeubank waar hy sterf.

In die grootste tragedie - na die oorlog, herstel sy suster die negatiewe uit hul skuilplek en stuur dit na Kibbutz Nitzanim in die suide van Israel, waar hulle verlore gaan in die Israeliese onafhanklikheidsoorlog. Die goeie vriend van Grossman, Nachman Zonabend, bly in die ghetto tot die bevryding, en slaag daarin om die argiewe van die Judenrat en 'n paar foto's van Grossman te red en dit aan die onderkant van 'n put te verberg.

As geskiedenis, soos Ulrich Keller opmerk, in die algemeen kontinuïteit in verandering beteken, is die geskiedenis van Europese Jode anders. Alle ander lande en volke wat deur die Tweede Wêreldoorlog geteister is, het uiteindelik na 'n normale bestaan ​​teruggekeer, maar die vernietiging van ses miljoen Jode in die Holocaust het die duisendjarige beskawing van die Ashkenaziese Jood heeltemal vernietig en die kontinuïteit vernietig. En as die geheue meestal na die breuk wys en dit nie regtig binnedring nie, gebeur dit soms-soos in die lewenswerk van Mendel Grossman-dat die geheue die innerlike vorm aanneem van die breuk-in-proses, in die rigting van 'n dialoog met 'n verbeelde buitekant wêreld, die wêreld van toekomstige geslagte, ons self.

En ek, ek kan nie my eerbetoon aan Mendel Grossman skryf nie, ek kan eerder net foto's maak en dit saamvleg - swart en wit foto's gemaak in die voormalige ghetto in Łódź, waar ek die afgelope paar jaar teruggekeer het, en portrette van mense, vreemdelinge, gemaak op baie plekke in die stad, sy stad. Ek kan nie die eerbetoon skryf wat ek wil nie, ek kan Grossman nie so in woorde toor dat ek hom in die verbygaan sien, hom op sy arm knip voordat hy wegvlieg nie. In woorde, alles oor my benadering is te direk - ek is nie genoeg van 'n romanskrywer of digter nie. Maar in 'n reeks foto's - een wat daarin slaag om te vlieg en terselfdertyd neerstort - kan ek Grossman vind, miskien.


Inhoud

Hy is gebore as Iosif Solomonovich Grossman in Berdychiv, Oekraïne, in die Russiese Ryk in 'n geëmansipeerde Joodse gesin, en het nie 'n tradisionele Joodse opvoeding ontvang nie. Sy vader Semyon Osipovich Grossman was 'n chemiese ingenieur, en sy ma Yekaterina Savelievna was 'n onderwyser in Frans. [1] 'n Russiese oppasser het sy naam gedraai Yossya in Russies Vasya ('n verkleinwoord van Vasily), wat deur die hele gesin aanvaar is. Sy pa het sosiaal-demokratiese oortuigings gehad en het by die Mensjewiste aangesluit, en was aktief in die rewolusie van 1905 wat hy gehelp het om geleenthede in Sewastopol te organiseer. [2] Van 1910 tot 1912 woon hy by sy ma in Genève nadat sy ouers geskei is. [1] Nadat hy in 1912 na Berdychiv teruggekeer het, verhuis hy in 1914 na Kiev, waar hy, terwyl hy by sy vader gewoon het, die hoërskool en later die Kiev Higher Institute of Soviet Education bywoon. [2] Young Vasily Grossman het idealisties die hoop op die Russiese rewolusie van 1917 ondersteun. [2]

In Januarie 1928 trou Grossman met Anna Petrovna Matsuk, hul dogter, genaamd Yekaterina na Grossman se ma, is twee jaar later gebore. [2] Toe hy na Moskou moes verhuis, het sy geweier om haar werk in Kiev te verlaat, maar sy kon in elk geval nie 'n permit kry om in Moskou te bly nie. Toe hy na Stalino verhuis, wou sy beslis nie gaan nie, sy het sake begin doen. [1] Hul dogter is gestuur om by sy ma in Berdychiv te gaan woon.

Grossman het kortverhale begin skryf terwyl hy chemiese ingenieurswese aan die Staatsuniversiteit van Moskou studeer het, en later sy literêre aktiwiteite voortgesit terwyl hy chemiese toetse by 'n steenkoolmynbedryf in Stalino in die Donbass gedoen het, en later in 'n potloodfabriek. [1] Een van sy eerste kortverhale, "In the Town of Berdichev" (В городе Бердичеве), het gunstige aandag en aanmoediging van Maxim Gorky en Mikhail Bulgakov getrek. Die rolprent Kommissaris (regisseur Aleksandr Askoldov), gemaak in 1967, onderdruk deur die KGB en eers in Oktober 1990 vrygestel is, is gebaseer op hierdie verhaal van vier bladsye.

In die middel van die 1930's het Grossman sy werk verlaat en hom ten volle verbind tot skryf. Teen 1936 het hy twee versamelings en die roman gepubliseer Glyukauf, en in 1937 aanvaar in die bevoorregte Unie van Skrywers. Sy roman Stepan Kol'chugin (gepubliseer 1937-40) is genomineer vir 'n Stalin-prys, maar deur Stalin self uit die lys geskrap weens beweerde Mensjewistiese simpatie. [3]

Grossman se eerste huwelik eindig in 1933, en in die somer van 1935 begin hy 'n verhouding met Olga Mikhailovna Guber, die vrou van sy vriend, die skrywer Boris Guber. Grossman en Olga begin in Oktober 1935 saamwoon, en hulle trou in Mei 1936, 'n paar dae nadat Olga en Boris Guber geskei is. In 1937 is Boris Guber tydens die Groot Reiniging gearresteer, en later is Olga ook gearresteer omdat sy nie haar vorige man as 'vyand van die mense' veroordeel het nie. Grossman het homself vinnig deur Boris Guber laat registreer as die amptelike voog van Olga se twee seuns, en sodoende kon hulle nie weer na weeshuise gestuur word nie. Daarna skryf hy aan Nikolay Yezhov, die hoof van die NKVD, en wys daarop dat Olga nou sy vrou is, nie die van Guber nie, en dat sy nie verantwoordelik gehou moet word vir 'n man van wie sy lank voor sy arrestasie geskei het nie. Grossman se vriend, Semyon Lipkin, het gesê: "In 1937 sou slegs 'n baie dapper man dit gewaag het om 'n brief aan die staat se hoofloper te skryf." Verrassend genoeg is Olga Guber vrygelaat. [4]

Toe Nazi -Duitsland die Sowjetunie in 1941 binneval, is Grossman se ma in Berdychiv deur die indringer Duitse leër vasgekeer en uiteindelik vermoor saam met 20.000 tot 30.000 ander Jode wat nie ontruim het nie. Grossman was vrygestel van militêre diens, maar het as vrywilliger vir die front gewerk, waar hy meer as 1000 dae deurgebring het. Hy word 'n oorlogskorrespondent vir die gewilde koerant van die Rooi Leër Krasnaya Zvezda (Rooi ster). Terwyl die oorlog woed, dek hy die belangrikste gebeurtenisse, waaronder die Slag van Moskou, die Slag van Stalingrad, die Slag van Koersk en die Slag van Berlyn. Benewens oorlogsjournalistiek, het sy romans (soos Die mense is onsterflik (Народ бессмертен)) is in koerante gepubliseer en hy word beskou as 'n legendariese oorlogsheld. Die roman Stalingrad (1950), later herdoop Vir 'n regverdige rede (За правое дело), ​​is gebaseer op sy ervarings tydens die beleg. 'N Nuwe Engelse vertaling, met bygevoegde materiaal uit Grossman se polities riskante vroeë konsepte, is in 2019 gepubliseer onder die oorspronklike titel, Stalingrad. [5] In Desember 2019 was die boek die onderwerp van die reeks Stalingrad: die lot van 'n roman in BBC Radio 4's Boek van die week. [6]

Grossman beskryf Nazi-etniese suiwering in die Duits-besette Oekraïne en Pole en die bevryding deur die Rooi Leër van die Duitse Nazi Treblinka en Majdanek uitwissingskampe. Hy versamel 'n paar van die eerste ooggetuieverslae - al in 1943 - van wat later as die Holocaust bekend geword het. Sy artikel Die hel van Treblinka (1944) is tydens die Neurenberg -verhore versprei as bewys vir die vervolging. [7]

Die hel van Treblinka Redigeer

Grossman het 'n onderhoud met oudpres Sonderkommando gevangenes wat uit Treblinka ontsnap het en sy manuskrip geskryf het sonder om hul identiteit bekend te maak. Hy het toegang tot materiaal wat reeds gepubliseer is. [8] Grossman beskryf Treblinka se operasie in die eerste persoon. [9] Van Josef Hirtreiter, die SS man wat tydens die aankoms van vervoer by die onthaalsone van die Treblinka -vernietigingskamp gedien het, het Grossman geskryf: [9]

Hierdie wesens spesialiseer in die moord op kinders. Klaarblyklik toegerus met ongewone krag, sou dit skielik 'n kind uit die skare ruk, hom of haar soos 'n knuppel omwaai en dan óf hul kop teen die grond slaan of dit net in die helfte skeur. Toe ek die eerste keer van hierdie wese hoor - vermoedelik menslik, vermoedelik uit 'n vrou gebore - kon ek nie die ondenkbare dinge glo wat aan my gesê is nie. Maar toe ek hierdie verhale deur ooggetuies herhaal hoor, en ek besef dat hierdie getuies dit as bloot besonderhede beskou, heeltemal in ooreenstemming met alles anders oor die helse regime van Treblinka, het ek geglo dat wat ek gehoor het waar is ". [ 9]

Grossman se beskrywing van 'n fisies onwaarskynlike metode om 'n lewende mens dood te maak deur met die hand te skeur, is afkomstig van die memoires van die Treblinka-opstandoorlewende Jankiel Wiernik in 1944, waar die frase "die kind in die helfte skeur" vir die eerste keer verskyn. Wiernik self het nooit in die Auffanglager ontvangsgebied van die kamp waar Hirtreiter bedien het, en so was herhalende hoorsê. [10] Maar die narratiewe herhaling toon aan dat sulke verhale gereeld herhaal is. Wiernik se memoires is in Warskou gepubliseer as 'n klandestiene boekie voor die einde van die oorlog, en in 1945 vertaal as 'N Jaar in Treblinka. [10] In sy artikel beweer Grossman dat 3 miljoen mense by Treblinka vermoor is, die hoogste skatting wat ooit voorgestel is, in ooreenstemming met die Sowjet -neiging om Nazi -misdade vir propagandadoeleindes te oordryf. [11]

Grossman het deelgeneem aan die vergadering van die Black Book, 'n projek van die Joodse Anti-Fascistiese Komitee om die misdade van die Holocaust te dokumenteer. Die naoorlogse onderdrukking van die Swart Boek deur die Sowjet-staat het hom tot in sy diepste ruk geskud, en hy het sy eie lojale steun aan die Sowjet-regime begin bevraagteken. Eerstens beveel die sensuur veranderinge in die teks om die spesifiek anti-Joodse karakter van die gruweldade te verberg en om die rol van Oekraïners wat saam met die Nazi's as polisie gewerk het, te verminder. Toe, in 1948, is die Sowjet -uitgawe van die boek heeltemal geskrap. Semyon Lipkin het geskryf:

In 1946. Ek ontmoet 'n paar goeie vriende, 'n Ingoesj en 'n Balkar, wie se gesinne tydens die oorlog na Kazakstan gedeporteer is. Ek het vir Grossman gesê en hy het gesê: "Miskien was dit nodig om militêre redes." Ek het gesê: ". Sou jy dit sê as hulle dit aan die Jode gedoen het?" Hy het gesê dat dit nooit kan gebeur nie. 'N Paar jaar later verskyn 'n wrede artikel teen kosmopolitisme Pravda. Grossman het vir my 'n briefie gestuur wat sê dat ek tog reg was. Grossman het jare lank nie baie Joods gevoel nie. Die veldtog teen die kosmopolitisme het sy Joodsheid wakker gemaak.

Grossman kritiseer ook kollektivisering en politieke onderdrukking van kleinboere wat tot die Holodomor -tragedie gelei het. Hy het geskryf dat "Die dekreet oor graanverkryging vereis dat die kleinboere van die Oekraïne, die Don en die Kuban doodgemaak moet word deur hongersnood, saam met hul klein kinders." [12]

As gevolg van staatsvervolging is slegs enkele van Grossman se naoorlogse werke gedurende sy leeftyd gepubliseer. Nadat hy sy magnum opus, die roman, vir publikasie ingedien het Lewe en lot (Жизнь и судьба, 1959), het die KGB op sy woonstel toegeslaan. Daar is beslag gelê op die manuskripte, koolstofkopieë, notaboeke, sowel as die tiksters en selfs die tikmasjienlintjies. Die hoof van die Politburo -ideologie, Mikhail Suslov, het aan Grossman gesê dat sy boek twee of driehonderd jaar lank nie gepubliseer kan word nie: [13]

Ek het nie u roman gelees nie, maar ek het die resensies van u manuskrip noukeurig gelees, die antwoorde daarop, wat baie uittreksels uit u roman bevat. Kyk hoeveel aanhalings daaruit het ek neergeskryf. Waarom moet ons u boek by die atoombomme voeg wat ons vyande voorberei om teen ons te lanseer? Waarom moet ons u boek publiseer en 'n openbare bespreking begin of iemand die Sowjetunie nodig het of nie? [14]

Grossman het aan Nikita Khrushchev geskryf: "Wat is die punt daarvan dat ek fisies vry is wanneer die boek waaraan ek my lewe toegewy het, gearresteer word. Ek verloën dit nie. Ek vra vryheid vir my boek." Maar, Lewe en lot en sy laaste groot roman, Alles vloei (Все течет, 1961) is as 'n bedreiging vir die Sowjet -mag beskou en is ongepubliseer. Grossman sterf in 1964, sonder om te weet of sy grootste werk ooit deur die publiek gelees sou word.

Grossman sterf aan maagkanker op 14 September 1964. Hy is begrawe op die Troyekurovskoye -begraafplaas aan die rand van Moskou.


Hoe Henryk Ross sy lewe in gevaar gestel het om lewens in 'n Nazi -getto heimlik te fotografeer

Ross sê dit sit in 'n hofgetuie in Mei 1961. Hy was geklee in 'n sportjas en hemp met knope, oop by die kraag, en getuig in sy geboortelandse Pools tydens die verhoor van die Nazi -leier Adolf Eichmann, een van die afskuwelike meesterbreine van die Holocaust. Ross herinner hom aan die monsteragtige dae aan die begin van 1940 en onthou hoe hy op 30 -jarige ouderdom deur die Nazi's saam met honderde duisende ander Jode in die ghetto opgesluit is wat die Duitsers in die Poolse stad Lodz opgerig het. Aanklaers gebruik foto's wat Ross sy lewe in gevaar gestel het om in die geheim daarheen te neem as deel van die getuienis wat hulle sou help om Eichmann skuldig te bevind.

Honderde van hierdie donker swart en wit foto's is nou te sien in die hartverskeurende en gruwelike uitstalling "Memory Unearthed: The Lodz Ghetto Photographs of Henryk Ross" in Boston se Museum of Fine Arts tot en met 30 Julie. Hierdie fotografiese argief - insluitend vintage afdrukke en nuwe afdrukke uit die oorspronklike negatiewe uit die oorlog - is een van die grootste en mees volledige lewensopnames as 'n gevangene van die Nazi's in die veertigerjare, soos opgeteken deur een van hul slagoffers. (Soek dit hier.)

"Dit is baie selde dat hierdie argief ongeskonde is en dit alles saam," sê Kristen Gresh, die kurator van die MFA wat toesig hou oor hierdie aanbieding van die foto's. (Die uitstalling is oorspronklik gereël deur Maia-Mari Sutnik vir die Art Gallery van Ontario in Toronto, wat die versameling besit.) Dit "help ons om 'n venster te kry in die lewe van die ghetto en die wonderlike gevoel van veerkragtigheid en oorlewing gedurende hierdie ontstellende tyd. "

'Ek het dit gedoen met die wete dat as ek gevang word, my gesin en ek gemartel en vermoor sou word', het Ross self in 1987 geskryf. die Nazi -teregstellers. Ek het die totale vernietiging van die Poolse Jodedom verwag. ”

Henryk Ross -foto van Lodz Ghetto -polisie met vrou agter doringdraad by die ghetto, 1942. (met vergunning, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

Drie fotograwe

Henryk Ross was 'n fotojoernalis vir Poolse koerante voor die Tweede Wêreldoorlog begin het, en was toe deel van die Poolse leër wat verpletter is tussen die Duitsers wat op 1 September 1939 vanuit die weste ingeval het, en die Sowjets wat op 17 September vanuit die ooste binnegeval het. .. Pole het binne enkele weke geval.

Die Duitse leër het op 8 September Lodz binnegegaan. Teen die tyd dat Nazi SS en Gestapo -hoof, Heinrich Himmler, die stad besoek het (wat die Duitsers na Litzmannstadt hernoem het), het Duitsers Joodse finansiële transaksies beperk, Joodse vakansiedae verbied, beslag gelê op Joodse eiendom, het Jode verbied om met leer en tekstiele handel te dryf, en baie Jode vir arbeidskampe afgerond.

Die Duitsers het die Lodz -getto van die res van die stad - en die wêreld - geïsoleer en dit in 'n gevangeniskamp gemaak. 'Rondom die ghetto was 'n heining wat deur Duitsers bewaak is. Aan die begin was hulle Volksdeutsche -polisie in blou uniforms, ”het Ross getuig. 'Daarna was daar ander wagte namens die Duitse regerende mag - onder hulle mans van die NSDAP [Nazi -party]. "

Jode moes hulself identifiseer deur die Davidster te dra: 'Selfs babas in hul wieg was verplig om die kenteken op hul regterarm en op hul rug te dra', het Ross gesê.

Henryk Ross -foto van 'n voëlverskrikker in Lodz Ghetto met Davidster, c. 1940-1944. (Met vergunning, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

Gresh sê die verhaal is dat Ross op sy kamera beslag gelê het toe Ross in die gevangenis van die Lodz -gevangenis in die tronk was, maar toe na hom teruggekeer het toe hy 'n fotografie -pos gekry het in die statistiekafdeling wat deur die Joodse Raad, of Judenrat, bedryf is. Dit was Jode in die ghetto wat namens die stad se Duitse Voedsel- en Ekonomiekantoor, Ghetto Division, toesig gehou het oor die gemeenskap.

Die departement van statistieke het gehelp om by te hou van ongeveer 160 320 mense wat in die ghetto se 4,13 vierkante kilometer gevange gehou is (dit sou later verminder word) teen Junie 1940. Tienduisende Jode uit die omliggende streek en die hele Wes -Europa is na die ghetto gestuur. Duisende Oostenrykse Roma is in 'n aangrensende gebied geskei. Dit was die Nazi's se tweede grootste bevolking van Jode ná Warskou.

Die MFA -uitstalling fokus uitsluitlik op Ross se werk, maar daar was ook 'n ander fotograaf in die Departement Statistiek besig om die ghetto te dokumenteer. Sy naam was Mendel Grossman. Hy was 'n 27-jarige aspirant-skilder wat voor die oorlog fotografie geneem het-dikwels retoucheer en bewaar ou gesinsfoto's-om sy gesin te help onderhou.

Grossman was nou in die ghetto opgesluit saam met sy ouers, twee susters, 'n swaer en 'n jong neef in 'een klein kamer', sy vriend Pinchas Shaar, 'n kunsskilder wat werk as ontwerper by die departement statistiek gevind het. , het gesê op 'n konferensie van 1993 aan die Yeshiva Universiteit in New York wat in die boek "Holocaust Chronicles" van 1999 opgeteken is. 'Hy was 'n klein man, fisies taamlik swak, met 'n ernstige asmatiese toestand. Grossman het in kort sinne gepraat, altyd 'n bietjie skepties, en gebruik dikwels die tipiese Lodzher -Jiddisch 'Eh.' Hy dra altyd 'n aktetas en dra 'n groot reënjas wat sy Leica -kamera help kamoefleer het.

Foto toegeskryf aan Mendel Grossman wat in 1940 wys hoe Henryk Ross identiteitskaarte vir die Joodse Administrasie, Departement Statistiek, fotografeer (met vergunning, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

Die amptelike fotograwe van die departement van statistieke het foto's van alle inwoners geneem vir identifikasiekaarte. Ross glimlag op die foto vasgemaak aan sy getto -ID van 1941 (ingesluit in die MFA -uitstalling). Dit wys hom met sy donker hare, gladde rug, 'n borsagtige snor, maar sy wange is hol, nadat hy die plompheid van sy ID van drie jaar tevore verloor het. Aan die einde van sy gevangenisstraf sou sy gewig tot ongeveer 85 pond krimp.

Die amptelike fotograwe het ook die opdrag gehad om portrette van ghetto -leiers te neem, ongeïdentifiseerde lyke op straat te dokumenteer, veranderinge aan geboue op te teken terwyl die Duitsers dit afbreek en foto's te neem wat die doeltreffendheid en produktiwiteit van ghetto -werkswinkels beklemtoon waar Jode tekstiele, leerskoene, matrasse gemaak het (vul dit met houtskaafsels) en uniforms vir die Duitse weermag.

Boonop het Ross portrette van mense op straat en tuis afgeneem. Hy het gelukkige tye in die ghetto opgeteken: partytjies, tuinmaak, mense wat in bome en weivelde swem, paartjies wat soen.

Ross en Grossman ken mekaar - maar "ons weet nie te veel van hul verhouding nie," sê Gresh. Foto's wat aan Grossman toegeskryf word, wys hoe Ross 'n groep mense met identiteitskaarte afneem. Ross fotografeer Grossman wat foto's neem van die opgrawing van 'n sentrale put in 1941, werk aan afdrukke van Duitse administrateurs en fotografeer inwoners wat deur 'n hoop sakke sorteer met die besittings wat die "gedeporteerde" agtergelaat het.

Daar was ten minste nog een persoon wat 'n fotografiese argief van die ghetto geskep het: Walter Genewein, hoofrekenmeester van die finansiële kantoor van die Duitse ghetto -afdeling vir Lodz. Die Oostenrykse Nazi was slank, in pakke, met 'n dun snor en sy hare is reguit agteroor. In the Polish city outside the Jewish ghetto, he photographed German leaders comfortable in well-appointed offices and smiling next to handsome cars. He photographed a circus tent festooned with Nazi swastika banners. He also documented the ghetto.

Unlike Ross and Grossman’s black and white photos of the ghetto, which seem suffused with midnight anxiety, Genewein’s images are color slides filled with a chilly sunlight — revealing the reds, blues and greens of the dresses and sweaters worn by the women braiding yellow straw outdoors to make shoes or crowded around tables sewing inside a ghetto textile workshop. He photographed the rakes and chairs and washboards crafted in the ghetto carpenter’s shop. He photographed a visit to the ghetto by Himmler and German soldiers inspecting a ghetto textile storeroom. Using a camera reportedly confiscated from a Lodz Jew, Genewein apparently wanted to show the success of his efforts to help maximize the profitability of the Lodz workshops for the Germans.

Genewein’s color slides also show the yellow of the Star of David adorning ghetto prisoners’ clothes. He photographed smiling Jewish policemen arresting a stunned looking old man in the ghetto — an apparently staged shot. He photographed a German soldier guarding Lodz Ghetto Jews boarding a passenger train for deportation in April 1942.

At one point during the war, German leaders in Lodz contrived to create a museum of "Customs of Eastern European Jewry" and Genewein was tasked with planning displays, Frances Guerin reports in her 2011 book “Through Amateur Eyes: Film and Photography in Nazi Germany.” Germany’s central propaganda offices rejected the idea as too uncritical of Jews, she writes. They were apparently not convinced by the insistence of Hans Biebow, one of the German administrators of the Lodz Ghetto, that the museum was designed to “arouse disgust in anyone who comes in contact with” Jewish life.

Henryk Ross' photo of Lodz Ghetto men alongside a building eating from pails, c. 1940-1944. (Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

‘To The Frying Pan’

“Our way is work!” was the slogan promoted by Mordechai Chaim Rumkowski, the Elder or top leader of the ghetto’s Jewish Council. He was seen by many as cruel and domineering, an accomplice to the Nazis' crimes. But his underlying strategy was apparently to make the ghetto community useful to the Germans — to give more people a better, longer chance at survival.

However, the Lodz Ghetto remained part of the Germans’ overall effort to kill Jews throughout Europe, and ghetto residents were dying. From overwork. From lack of food. From disease. “We received a loaf of bread for eight days. Apart from this there were food rations in small quantities, which were sometimes rotten. … Those who worked received an extra ration of soup,” Ross testified.

Jewish ghetto leaders buried rotten potatoes “in the ground in chlorine, as they were not suitable for use. The children knew where they were to be found and dug them up,” Ross said. “They were so hungry that it didn't matter to them what they ate.”

Ross said, “People either swelled up from hunger or became emaciated. There were cases of people collapsing in the street there were cases where they collapsed at work and at home because of the difficult conditions. We were six to eight persons to one room, depending on the size of the room. People froze from the cold. There was no heating. … I saw entire families, skeletons of people, who during the night were dying with their children.”

Grossman photographed the decline of his own family — his parents and brother-in-law succumbing in 1942 and his young nephew Yankel dying of hunger in 1943.

Henryk Ross' photo of Lodz Ghetto men hauling a cart for bread distribution in 1942. (Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

In 1941, the Nazis set up a facility at Chelmno nad Nerem, about 30 miles northwest of Lodz. Prisoners were shipped there, sealed into the rear compartments of “gas vans,” and murdered by pumping in the vehicles’ poisonous exhaust fumes. Their bodies were then buried or burned.

In the first half of 1942, some 52,304 Jews from Lodz were herded onto freight trains at Radogoszcz station and sent to their deaths at Chelmno, joining some 4,500 Roma who’d been sent ahead of them.

“In the year 1940, it was still not known [where the transports were going to],” Ross testified, “but in 1941, at the time of the further deportations, the Jews began to make inquiries and it became known to them that they were going into the ‘frying pan.’ … This was a routine expression of the people in the ghetto. They knew they were going to be burned, they used to call this ‘going to the frying pan.’ ”

Henryk Ross' photo of a Lodz Ghetto entrance sign saying: “Wohngebiet der Juden Betreten Verboten” (“Residential area of the Jews, entry forbidden”), c. 1940-1944. (Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

‘Forbidden’ Photos

“When I had more free time,” Ross told the Israeli court, “I also used to take photographs which it was forbidden to take.”

Grossman took illegal photos too. Exhibition organizers are unclear whether the two men knew they were both working on assembling a secret record of Nazi crimes. Ross recorded official ID portraits by photographing large groups all in a single frame, then cropping the negative to print individual portraits — apparently in an effort to stockpile film for unofficial use. But this cannot account for all the seemingly unofficial photos Ross and Grossman took. Perhaps Jews in charge of the film and printing paper purposely turned a blind eye to the supplies the men were using up.

A late 1941 order severely restricted their photography. Rumkowski wrote to Grossman that Dec. 8: “I inform you herewith that you are not allowed to work in your profession for private purposes. . Your photographic work is confined only to the activity in the department in which you are employed.”

“To fool the police, [Grossman] carried his camera under his coat. He kept his hands in his pockets, which were cut open inside, and he thus could manipulate the camera. He directed the lens by turning his body in the direction he wanted, then slightly parted his coat, and clicked the shutter,” Arieh Ben-Menahem, a photographer who worked as Grossman’s assistant during the war, wrote in the 1977 book “With a Camera in the Ghetto: Mendel Grossman.”

Ross adopted a similar technique. Stefania Schoenberg — whom he married under a chuppah (canopy) in the ghetto in 1941 — sometimes served as his lookout. The photographers were helped in keeping low profiles by using the small, lightweight, hand-held cameras that had begun to revolutionize photography by replacing heavier, bulkier cameras and tripods in the 1930s.

Henryk Ross' photo of a Lodz Ghetto Jewish policeman’s family: mother with infant, c. 1940-1942. (Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

It’s difficult to tell from the Ross and Grossman photos that survive exactly which were on-the-job pictures and which were secret, illegal photos. (Also over the years, publications have repeatedly misidentified and confused Ross’ and Grossman’s photos, so attribution can be tricky.) Ross photographed the smashed ruins of the Wolborska Street synagogue after the Germans demolished it in 1939 — and a man carrying the Torah he saved from the rubble. Grossman and Ross photographed people moving into the ghetto, carrying their possessions on wagons or dragged on crude sledges. They both photographed the barbed wire caging in the ghetto. Ross took tender photos of a woman hugging and kissing her infant and being hugged by (apparently) her husband, a policeman for the ghetto’s Jewish authority.

Grossman and Ross both surreptitiously photographed hangings. Grossman “climbed electric power posts to photograph a convoy of deportees on their way to the trains, he walked roofs, climbed the steeple of a church that remained within the confines of the ghetto in order to photograph a change of guard at the barbed-wire fence,” Ben-Menahem wrote.

Ross photographed people protesting at the kitchen because of lousy food. He photographed a man collapsed in the street from hunger. Grossman photographed people kissing goodbye during deportations. Ross recorded a little boy dressed as a Jewish policeman “arresting” a playmate. He photographed two boys seeming to speak to a woman on the wrong side of a chain-link fence. “The mother of these two children was deported and the children stayed behind in the ghetto. They were deported later on, but not together,” Ross recalled in David Perlov’s 1979 documentary film “Memories of the Eichmann Trial” (screening in the first room of the MFA exhibit).

“At moments when no German was seen in the vicinity, when they had gone elsewhere to beat up people,” Ross testified at the trial, “I took advantage of that moment to take photographs.”

Henryk Ross' photo of the Lodz Ghetto prison at Czarnecki Street, a rallying point before deportation, c. 1940-1942. (Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

‘They Snatched Children’

In late August 1942, the Germans decided to eliminate all who could not work from the ghetto — the sick, the children, the elderly — except from the families of ghetto officials and police. “Rumkowski had not been willing to split up families,” Holocaust scholar Robert Jan van Pelt reports in the exhibition catalog. But on Sept. 1, Rumkowski ordered Jewish police to seize patients from hospitals and take them to the trains. On Sept. 4, Rumkowski gave a public speech to parents in the ghetto imploring them to give up their children for "resettlement."

According to “The Chronicle of the Lodz Ghetto,” a daily diary of the community authored by multiple members of the Jewish administration, Jewish police and firemen surrounded buildings, Nazi Gestapo ordered people out, and Jewish police searched inside to round up any stragglers.

Ross seems to have been talking about this period when he testified: “They … snatched children from the arms of their mothers I do not have to say that this was not voluntary, and I do not see the necessity for talking here about the shouts and the blows.”

People who tried to escape were shot dead on the spot. Ben-Menahem writes that Grossman insinuated himself among a group of gravediggers to photograph victims piled in the cemetery.

“I saw an instance where they collected children in a particular hospital in Drewnowska Street,” Ross said. “The Germans concluded that too few people were riding in the vehicles. They said they had to load more. The trucks came to the front of the hospital where the children were assembled. … The children scratched the walls with their fingernails. The children did not cry any more, they knew what awaited them, they had heard about it. They could not cry. The Germans were running around in these rooms, they beat them and threw them from the windows and the balconies into these trucks. I was not there for a long time, for it was dangerous even for me to be there.”

Ross photographed Jewish police — with their distinctive Star of David armbands and round-sided, flat-topped hats — at a hospital window helping take people for “deportation.” Ross photographed horses clopping down the ghetto’s cobblestone streets pulling wooden wagons overflowing with children, never to return.

By Sept. 12, historians believe some 15,681 people — including 5,862 children — were shipped out of the ghetto and murdered at Chelmno. By late 1942, the ghetto population has been reduced to 89,446 residents.

Henryk Ross' photo of Lodz Ghetto children being transported to the Chelmo nad Nerem death camp, 1942. (Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

‘Through A Hole In A Board’

The grueling forced labor in the ghetto workshops continued until June 10, 1944, when Nazi leader Heinrich Himmler ordered the extermination of the Lodz Ghetto. At that point it was the longest surviving Nazi ghetto in Poland — the Germans had eliminated the Warsaw Ghetto a year earlier. Between June 23 and July 17, 1944, some 7,196 Lodz Ghetto residents were sent on the last transports to Chelmno. In August 1944, about 70,000 more residents were put on trains out of Lodz to the Auschwitz death camp.

Ross secretly photographed a crowd of Lodz Jews being ushered onto a train of boxcars: “People with whom I was acquainted worked at the railway station of Radogoszcz, which was outside the ghetto but linked to it, and where trains destined for Auschwitz were standing. On one occasion I managed to get into the railway station in the guise of a cleaner. My friends shut me into a cement storeroom. I was there from six in the morning until seven in the evening, until the Germans went away and the transport departed. I watched as the transport left. I heard shouts. I saw the beatings. I saw how they were shooting at them, how they were murdering them, those who refused. Through a hole in a board of the wall of the storeroom I took several pictures.”

Ross’ photo is blurry, taken from a distance, behind what seems to be a line of concrete slabs. No German soldiers are in sight, just the Jewish police of the ghetto, with their Star of David armbands, standing at the edge of the crowd and perched in the door of a boxcar helping a woman climb aboard.

Ross’ photos of Jews apparently collaborating in the execution of their neighbors as well as his pictures of happy times in the ghetto have long been controversial. “Basically the ghetto was run by Jewish officers who were forced to implement Nazi wishes,” Gresh says. “That’s part of the complexity of the Jewish Council.” Ross and Grossman, of course, were a part of the Council too. “They were all actually victims because so many in the ghetto did die, but in everyday life there were different levels.”

Grossman’s sister Fajda and the Jewish leader Rumkowski were among the Lodz Jews then taken to Auschwitz, where they perished. Most were sent directly to their deaths in the gas chambers.

Henryk Ross' photo of a boy walking in front of a Lodz Ghetto bridge at Zigerska Street, with residents crossing, c. 1940-1944. (Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

Hiding The Photos

Ross and Grossman managed to survive until the Nazis launched the final 1944 elimination of the Lodz Ghetto — perhaps in part because their special status as employees of the Jewish Council had helped protect them. As the end of the ghetto arrived, they hurried to preserve their photographic evidence of Nazi crimes.

“I hid the [about 6,000] negatives in barrels and concealed them in the ground,” Ross testified. “I hid them … in the presence of several of my friends, so that if we died and one of us survived, the photographs would remain for the sake of history.”

Grossman’s friend, the designer Pinchas Shaar, said the photographer stashed thousands of negatives, hundreds of prints, his Leica camera and jewelry entrusted to him by relatives in two big clay jars and buried them in opposite walls of an abandoned bunker. Ben-Menahem gives a somewhat different account, writing that Grossman packed his archive in tin cans inside a wooden crate, “with the help of a friend he took out a window sill in his apartment, removed some bricks, placed the crate in the hollow, then replaced the sill.” The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, D.C., says the prints were hidden in the apartment and in a cellar.

In fall 1944, Grossman was sent from Lodz to a concentration camp in Germany, about 20 miles southwest of Berlin. Shaar said he was there with Grossman as Soviet forces surrounded Berlin in April 1945 and the SS camp commander tried to hurry the Jews out of the facility. Shaar said Grossman was marched out in a first group, but the rest of the prisoners were halted when American and British bombers flew over and were liberated days later by Soviet troops. Among these soldiers, Shaar recalled, was a Jewish commander: “He said we were the first living Jews he had encountered on the march from Moscow to Berlin.”

“After the war, upon meeting the survivors of the first group [marched out of the camp], in which Grossman had been included, we learned that they had been taken in the direction of the Bavarian Alps,” Shaar said. “Sick men on the march who could not keep up with the group and lagged behind were shot. One of them was Mendel Grossman.”

Henryk Ross' 1940 photo of a man walking in winter in the remains of the Lodz synagogue on Wolborska Street, destroyed in 1939 by the Germans. (Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

‘Fortunately I Remained Alive’

After nearly all the prisoners had been shipped out of the Lodz Ghetto, the Germans still left about 900 people behind as a final “clean-up crew.” They were tasked with emptying the ghetto buildings, gathering anything useful, searching for any valuables the departed may have hidden. Ross and his wife were among these people — whom the Germans planned to kill after they finished the work.

Ross continued to photograph. Apparently during this time, he recorded baskets and metal pails collected into a pile in an abandoned street amidst the ghost town of empty houses.

The Russian Red Army liberated the ghetto in mid January 1945. Ross and his wife were among the 877 recorded as survivors there. He photographed some of the celebration — including what looks like a woman dancing with a smiling Soviet soldier. He photographed a half a dozen freed Lodz Jews standing under the sign reading “Residential Area of the Jews / Entry Forbidden” above the now open gate to the ghetto. They seem wary, but grin.

In March 1945, men and women, a boy, gathered to help Ross dig up his archive from a patch of earth near his ghetto home, with a tree at the edge, some brambles, and a building in the distance. A photo shows him stooping over to lift out the box as the group smiles.

“Fortunately I remained alive and I dug them up,” Ross testified. “Some [of the negatives] were destroyed owing to water seeping in, but the greater part was saved.” In fact, about half were lost. Many of those that survived were damaged (which the new prints in the MFA show purposefully reveal, like scars).

“It’s a reminder of all that the camera can be,” Gresh says. “It can be a weapon and it can be an act of resistance.”

Henryk Ross' excavating his hidden box of negatives and documents from the Lodz Ghetto in 1945. (Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

After the final German surrender that spring, Shaar said, he returned to Lodz on foot. “The first thing that I and my brothers did was … excavate [Grossman’s] hidden jars.” Part of the photo archive was missing, he said, but prints and hundreds of negatives remained. Grossman’s younger sister, Ruzhka (sometimes spelled Rozka) also found her way back to Lodz and took or sent the negatives to the Kibbutz Nitzanim in Palestine. But when Egyptian forces overran the kibbutz and took residents captive during the 1948-’49 Israeli War of Independence, Ben-Menahem wrote, “the treasure was lost.” All that is known to survive of Grossman’s project are prints that remained in the hands of friends.

Genewein, the Nazi accountant and photographer in Lodz, survived the war and returned to his native Austria. In 1947, a neighbor reportedly accused him of having enriched himself with a valuable rug and vase taken from Jews. He spent a month in jail, but managed to explain the accusation away without facing formal charges. He died in 1974 at the age of 73. His cache of Lodz ghetto photos only became known publicly when some 400 of his color slides from the 1940s turned up in 1987 in a Vienna antique shop.

Ross lived to 1991. After the war, the MFA exhibition reports, he operated a photography business in Lodz and photographed the trial of Hans Biebow, one of the German administrators of the ghetto, in a Polish court at Lodz in 1947. In the 1950s, Ross moved with his family to Israel. In 1961, when Ross testified at the Eichmann trial (Eichmann “kept looking at me as if he was angry I survived,” Ross’ wife Stefania says in “Memories of the Eichmann Trial"), he was working at Orit Zincography — apparently a lithographic printing business — in Tel Aviv.

Ross published a collection of his photos, “The Last Journey of the Jews of Lodz,” the following year. He seems to have given up on documentary photography as a profession. But for decades, he edited and re-edited a 17-page photographic folio (included in the exhibition) of his years in the ghetto.

“These four years,” Gresh says, “were truly his life’s work.”


The Litzmannstadt Ghetto (1939-1944)

The Nazis put him in the Łódź Ghetto in 1939 there he found work as a photographer, making identification cards and documenting the work that his fellow inmates did in the ghetto. The Ghetto Government thought that these photographs would convince the Nazis to treat them better because they were diligent. Grossman also hid a camera in his coat during the day and took photographs of the living conditions of the ghetto. He took these photographs at great risk to his life, not only because the Gestapo suspected him, but also because of his weak heart. Some of his photographs assisted people to identify the graves of their loved ones. M. Grossman's negatives are now the prepared documentation of the Holocaust. Grossman distributed many of his photographs those he was unable to distribute, he tried to hide. In August 1944, shortly before the final liquidation of the Litzmannstadt Ghetto, he hid ca. 10.000 negatives, showing scenes from the Ghetto.


Mendel Grossman (1913&ndash1945)

Mendel Grossman was born to a Jewish family in
Staszów, Poland. When he was a small child, the family moved to Łódź. He began to draw and paint from an early age. He took photos first as an amateur, then later gained recognition as a professional artist-photographer. In the 1930s, he took photos of the Jewish Theater in Łódź, and got to know many actors, writers, poets, musicians and painters. He also took street photos, recording children playing and laborers at work.

After Nazi Germany invaded his homeland in World War II, Grossman and his family were confined to the Łódź (Litzmannstadt) Ghetto, where he got a job with the Department of Statistics, taking photos for work permits. It was the perfect cover for his true intention: to secretly record for posterity the brutal conditions in the Łódź Ghetto, such as starvation, deportations and public executions. Taking these photos was forbidden but he persevered at the risk of his own life, concealing a camera under his coat. In August 1944, shortly before the final liquidation of the Ghetto, he hid about 10,000 negatives of his photos in tin cans.
When the Gestapo found out about his activities, he was deported to a forced labor camp at Koenigs Wusterhausen, and later shot by the Nazis during a death march, at age 32.
Grossman's sister Fajge found some of his hidden photographs and took them to Israel, but most of these were lost during the War of Independence in 1948. Other photos by Grossman were saved by his friend Nachman (Natek) Zonabend, who concealed them, along with the archives of the Ghetto, at the bottom of a well.

These photographs are now located in the Museum of Holocaust and Resistance at the Ghetto Fighters House in Kibbutz Lohamei Hagetaot, Israel, as well as at Yad Vashem in Jerusalem. Some of the photos taken by Mendel Grossman were used in the book With a Camera in the Ghetto (1977).


Experiments and Theories

Around 1854, Mendel began to research the transmission of hereditary traits in plant hybrids. At the time of Mendel’s studies, it was a generally accepted fact that the hereditary traits of the offspring of any species were merely the diluted blending of whatever traits were present in the “parents.” It was also commonly accepted that, over generations, a hybrid would revert to its original form, the implication of which suggested that a hybrid could not create new forms. However, the results of such studies were often skewed by the relatively short period of time during which the experiments were conducted, whereas Mendel’s research continued over as many as eight years (between 1856 and 1863), and involved tens of thousands of individual plants.

Mendel chose to use peas for his experiments due to their many distinct varieties, and because offspring could be quickly and easily produced. He cross-fertilized pea plants that had clearly opposite characteristics—tall with short, smooth with wrinkled, those containing green seeds with those containing yellow seeds, etc.𠅊nd, after analyzing his results, reached two of his most important conclusions: the Law of Segregation, which established that there are dominant and recessive traits passed on randomly from parents to offspring (and provided an alternative to blending inheritance, the dominant theory of the time), and the Law of Independent Assortment, which established that traits were passed on independently of other traits from parent to offspring. He also proposed that this heredity followed basic statistical laws. Though Mendel’s experiments had been conducted with pea plants, he put forth the theory that all living things had such traits.

In 1865, Mendel delivered two lectures on his findings to the Natural Science Society in Brno, who published the results of his studies in their journal the following year, under the title Experiments on Plant Hybrids. Mendel did little to promote his work, however, and the few references to his work from that time period indicated that much of it had been misunderstood. It was generally thought that Mendel had shown only what was already commonly known at the time—that hybrids eventually revert to their original form. The importance of variability and its evolutionary implications were largely overlooked. Furthermore, Mendel&aposs findings were not viewed as being generally applicable, even by Mendel himself, who surmised that they only applied to certain species or types of traits. Of course, his system eventually proved to be of general application and is one of the foundational principles of biology.


History of Science Society

In 1900, plant breeders Hugo de Vries, Carl Correns and Erich von Tschermak published articles on their application of laws for heredity outlined by Gregor Mendel in 1865. The English biologist William Bateson allegedly read about Mendel’s work while riding on a train to London on 8 May 1900 to deliver a lecture on heredity before the Royal Horticultural Society. Detailed analysis of the publication dates for the “rediscovery” papers document that Bateson could not have learned about Mendel’s work before mid-May 1900.

Bateson presented a course on heredity and evolution at Cambridge which ended in March 1900. He made a handwritten annotation at the bottom of the course syllabus “De Vries-Correns— stress on Mendel’s law.” This suggests that he read the articles by these authors that spring and before he was aware of the paper by von Tschermak. Bateson revised his May conference remarks for publication in the Journal of the Royal Horticultural Society and summarized the work of all three of the “rediscoverers.” The data imply that Bateson first heard about Mendel after the middle of May 1900, but did not publish his own interpretation of Mendel’s work until late summer of the same year.

The year 1900 was significant because four biologists became aware of an obscure 1865 study by the Austrian monk Gregor Mendel on heredity which subsequently provided the theoretical basis for modern genetics. 1 Carl Correns in Germany read Mendel’s work as early as 1896 but did not appreciate it until he began to organize his own breeding studies for publication in late 1899. 2 Hugo de Vries in the Netherlands studied plant hybrids and learned of Mendel’s paper in early 1900. 3 The Austrian plant breeder Erich von Tschermak read Mendel’s paper in the fall of 1899 while he prepared his dissertation. 4

These three “rediscoverers” published their findings in 1900. Robert Olby has outlined the probable dates of the four publications in question. 5

Table 1. Publications related to Mendel

SkrywerDate SubmittedDate Published
de Vries 6 14 March 1900c. 21 April 1900
de Vries 7 14 March 190025 April 1900
Correns 8 24 April 19003 May 1900
von Tschermak 9 2 June 190024 July 1900

William Bateson of Cambridge was also an accomplished plant and animal breeder. He prepared a lecture on “Problems of Heredity” for the Royal Horticultural Society meeting of 8 May 1900. While on the train to London, he reportedly read Mendel’s original report for the first time and incorporated these laws of inheritance into his presentation. 10 This account by Beatrice Bateson in 1928 does not square with historical facts, however. If he read a paper on the train, it would have been the first de Vries paper which did not mention Mendel. In fact, a contemporaneous summary of Bateson’s lecture (published 12 May 1900) only reported his discussion of the first de Vries paper. Mendel is not referenced at all. 11 This suggests an approximate two-week transit time for mail from the continent to England.

Bateson revised his lecture notes for publication later in 1900 and discussed both papers by de Vries. The second cited Mendel’s work which Bateson deemed “… a marked step forward” in understanding the mechanism of heredity. Bateson also reviewed breeding work by Correns and von Tschermak that confirmed Mendel’s results with Pisum hybridization. 12 The publication dates of the four cited papers indicate that Bateson could have prepared his manuscript for publication no earlier than August 1900. The Journal of the Royal Horticultural Society does not indicate when Batson’s paper was actually published.

The printed syllabus from Bateson’s course on “The Practical Study of Evolution” for the academic year 1899-1900 has recently come to hand. The Lent Term began on 8 January 1900 and ended on 27 March 1900.

Course Syllabus “The Practical Study of Evolution” 1899-1900. Reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

Bateson made handwritten notes for selected lecture titles. The “Heredity” lecture reviewed the known laws of the phenomenon. His comment “Regression” refers to the statistical regression to the mean for inherited characters observed by Francis Galton. 13 At the bottom of the page Bateson wrote “de Vries-Correns—stress on Mendel’s law.” This comment was not associated with any specific lecture and suggests that it was added sometime after the completion of the term. Bateson could have read the de Vries and Correns papers about Mendel as early as the middle of May 1900. As he did not mention von Tschermak, he probably was not yet familiar with that paper.

Bateson subsequently exchanged letters on the application of Mendel’s work with Galton on 9 August, and with Correns and de Vries in October 1900. 14

The available data suggest that Bateson first learned about Mendel from his reading of the de Vries and Correns papers after mid-May 1900, but did not publish his own interpretation of Mendel’s work until late summer of the same year.

Alan R. Rushton taught at Princeton University and the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey. He practiced Pediatrics and Medical Genetics, and has a long-standing interest in the history of genetics.

1. L. C. Dunn, A Short History of Genetics (Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1991), pp. 62-77. Gregor Mendel, “Versuche über Pflanzhybriden,” Verhandlungen des naturforschender Verein in Brunn, 1865, 4: 3-47.

2. H. J. Rheinberger, “When did Correns read Gregor Mendel’s paper?” Isis, 1995, 86: 612-616.

3. I. Stamhuis, O. G. Meijer and E. J. A. Zevenhuizen, “Hugo de Vries on heredity,” Isis, 1999, 90: 238-267.

4. M. Simunek, U. Hossfeld and V. Wisseman, “‘Rediscovery’ revised—The cooperation of Erich and Armin von Tschermak-Seysenegg in the context of the ‘rediscovery’ of Mendel’s laws in 1899-1901,” Plant Biology, 2011, 13: 835-841.

5. Robert C. Olby, “William Bateson’s introduction of Mendelism to England: A reassessment,” British Journal for the History of Science, 1987, 30: 399-420.

6. Hugo de Vries, “Sur la loi de disjunction des hibrides,” Compte Rendus de l’Academie Science, 1900, 130: 845-847.

7. Hugo de Vries, “Das Spaltungsgesetz der Bastarde,” Berichte der Deutscher botanischer Gesellschaft, 1900, 18: 83-90.

8. Carl Correns, “G. Mendel’s Regel über das Verhalten der Nachkommenschaft der Rassenbastarde,” Berichte der Deutscher botanischer Gesellschaft, 1900, 18: 158-168.

9. Erich von Tschermak, “Über künstliche Kreuzung bei Pisum sativum,” Berichte der Deutscher botanischer Gesellschaft, 1900, 18: 232-239.

10. Beatrice Bateson, William Bateson, F.R.S. Naturalist: His Essays and Addresses (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1928), p. 73.

11. Maxwell Masters, “Lecture,” Gardner’s Chronicle, 1900-1901, 25: 303.

12. William Bateson, “Problems of heredity as a subject for horticultural investigation,” Journal of the Royal Horticultural Society, 1900-1901, 25: 54-61.

13. Francis Galton, “Typical laws of heredity,” Natuur, 1877, 23: 492-95, 512-514. Francis Galton, “The average contribution of each of several ancestors to the total heritage of the offspring,” Proceedings of the Royal Society, 1897, 61: 401-413.

14. William Bateson, Letter to Francis Galton 9 August 1900 B 3201. Quoted from the Bateson Archive, John Innes Centre Library, Norwich, England. Hugo de Vries, Letter to William Bateson 18 October 1900 B 246. Quoted from the Coleman Collection, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia. Carl Correns, Letter to William Bateson 21 October 1900 B 253. Quoted from the Coleman Collection, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.


Secretly Photographing the Holocaust: Rare Photos Taken by a Jewish Photographer That Show Daily Life in the Lodz Ghetto

This post was originally published on this site

Mendel Grossman was born in Staszów, Poland on 27 June 1913. After the occupation of Poland by the German Army in September 1939, he joined the underground in the town.

Forced to live in the Lodz ghetto he used his position in the statistics department to obtain the material needed to take photographs. By hiding his camera in his raincoat, Grossman was able to take secret photographs of scenes in the ghetto. He took these photographs at great risk to his life, not only because the Gestapo suspected him, but also because of his weak heart. Some of his photographs assisted people in identifying the graves of their loved ones.

Mendel Grossman&rsquos negatives are now the prepared documentation of the Holocaust. Grossman distributed many of his photographs those he was unable to distribute, he tried to hide. In August 1944, shortly before the final liquidation of the Litzmannstadt Ghetto, he hid ca. 10,000 negatives showing scenes from the Ghetto. In the ghetto, he lived together with his family at 55 Marynarskiej street.

Mendel Grossman, the ghetto photographer, with a friend.

Mendel Grossman taking photographs in the ghetto.

The photographer Mendel Grossman in his laboratory.

Grossman continued to take photographs after he was deported to the Konigs Wusterhausen labor camp. He stayed there until 16 April 1945. On 30 April 1945, he was shot by Nazis during a forced death march, still holding on to his camera.

After the war his hidden negatives were discovered. Grossman&rsquos sister found some of his hidden photographs and took them to Israel, but they were mostly lost in the Israeli war of Independence. Other photos taken by Grossman were found by one of his friends, Nachman (Natek) Zonabend these photographs are now located in the Museum of Holocaust and Resistance at the Ghetto Fighters House in Kibbutz Lohamei Hagetaot, Israel, as well as Yad Vashem in Jerusalem.


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