Geweven sak uit Antieke Ierland

Geweven sak uit Antieke Ierland



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Geweven sak uit Antieke Ierland - Geskiedenis

Europese dokumente uit die 17de eeu verwys gereeld na geweefde mandjies en sakke inheemse Amerikaners. Alle groepe inheemse Amerikaners in die noordooste het 'n konstruksie mandjie gehad, en houers van berkbas is miskien die algemeenste uitdrukking (Ritzenthaler & Ritzenthaler 1970: 79-80). Vroeë historiese Europese verslae maak dikwels geen onderskeid tussen rigiede mandjies en die buigsame sakke van die inheemse Amerikaners nie. In werklikheid is deur Europese waarnemers algemeen verwys na alle vorme van geweefde houers as "mandjies" ondanks die verskillende materiale of konstruksietegnieke wat gebruik word. Dit is verstandig om in gedagte te hou tydens die hersiening van vroeë historiese verslae, dat alhoewel ons vandag oor die algemeen aan "mandjies" as rigiede spalkgeweefde houers dink, die term "mandjie" 400 jaar gelede meer gepas verwys na enige oop houer , insluitend buigsame sakke en gevoude berkbasvate.

Vroeë historiese Europese verslae beskryf oor die algemeen mandjies in die konteks van 'n wigwam, of begrawe mandjies wat voedsel stoor vir latere gebruik deur inheemse Amerikaners. In 1643 het Roger Williams (1973: 121) 'n opmerking van 'n Narragansett Wigwam gesê: "In rakke het hulle allerhande mandjies, waarin hulle al hul huishoudelike items sit." In die noordooste is opbergmandjies gemaak uit 'n verskeidenheid materiale, insluitend hennep, biesies of bukke, mielieskappe, sy (of soet) gras, boombas en moontlik selfs perdskoenskrappe (Gookin 1970: 16 met verwysing na Mourt in Heath 1986: 29 de Rasieres 1967: 107, 108).

Gookin sê in 1674: Van die boom waar die bas groei, maak hulle verskillende soorte mandjies, groot en klein. Sommige hou vier skepels, of meer en so afwaarts tot 'n pint. In hul mandjies sit hulle hul voorraad. Sommige van hul mandjies is gemaak van biesies sommige, van bukke ander, van mielieskappe ander, 'n soort sygras ander, van 'n soort wilde hennep en sommige, van blaf bome, baie van hulle, baie netjies en kunsmatig, met die portrette van voëls, slae, visse en blomme, in kleure daarop. [Gookin 1970: 16]

Vroeë historiese verslae in New England dui op veranderlike groottes en vorms vir geweefde mandjies (met verwysing na Mourt in Heath 1986: 22, 29 Wood 1865: 107-108). Sommige redelik klein soos Wood (1865: 107-108) dui in 1634 aan: "hierdie mandjies is van alle groottes van 'n kwart tot 'n kwart waarin hulle hul bagasie dra" en ander mandjies groter as Mourt (in Heath 1986: 22 ) beskryf in 1622, "met ongeveer ses en dertig koringare, sommige geel en rooi, en ander gemeng met blou, wat 'n baie goeie gesig was."

Europese koloniste soos Mourt in 1622 was baie geïnteresseerd in die kleure en ontwerpe wat in mandjies aangebring of geweef is (in Heath 1986: 22, 29). Mandmateriaal is oor die algemeen geverf voordat dit aanmekaar geweef is, en om die drade aanmekaar te weef, is 'n ontwerp gemaak. In ander gevalle word die gekleurde ontwerpe op die oppervlak van 'n mandjie geborduur nadat dit gebou is. Mourt (in Heath 1986: 29), in 1622, noem kleure van swart en wit. Rooi wol word gebruik in 'n Narragansett -doosmandjie (Simmons: 1978: 192). Josselyn (in Lindholdt 1988: 101-102) se vertelling uit die 1600's verwys na verskeie kleure (swart, blou, rooi en geel) wat gebruik word om mandjies, sakke en matte te kleur en te versier, asook om stekelvarkpennetjies te kleur wat in sakweef gebruik word. Gookin (1970: 16) beskryf ontwerpe van voëls, diere, visse en blomme in kleure wat op mandjies geplaas is in sy versamelings vanaf 1674. Die mandjies wat in hierdie verslae genoem word, verwys na meer realistiese diere- en blommontwerpe (Gookin 1970: 16 Wood 1865: 107), anders as die oorlewende sakke uit die 17de eeu (Simmons: 1978: 192) uit Mohegan en Narragansett.

Mandjies word dikwels gebruik om voedsel wat deur die inheemse Amerikaners geoes is, op te berg en dan vir later gebruik te maak. In 1622 maak Mourt (in Heath 1986: 22, 29, 34, 65) talle verwysings na die inhoud van hierdie stoormandjies, insluitend maar beslis nie beperk tot: mielies, gebraaide krap, visse, stukkies vis (insluitend gebraaide haring en ander gedroogde skulpvisse) en uitgedroogde akkers.

'N Ander houer wat noemenswaardig was, was blykbaar 'n klein mandjie vir uitgedroogde mieliemeel om as 'n kitskosreservaat tydens reis gebruik te word (Gookin 1970: 15). Roger Williams (1973: 100) skryf in 1643: "Ek het gereis met meer as 200. van hulle tegelyk, meer as 100 myl deur die bos, elke man met 'n klein mandjie van hierdie [Nokehick] op sy rug, en soms in 'n leë leer gordel in sy middel, voldoende vir 'n man drie of vier dae. " Vroeër in 1634 merk William Wood (1865: 76) op dat maaltye uitgedroogde mielies op reis bestaan ​​het uit "drie maal lepels per dag, wat dit in drie maaltye verdeel het." Hierdie syfer van nege lepels vol per dag vir drie of vier dae, dui daarop dat hierdie mandjie een of twee koppies mieliemeel bevat het.

Ritte van mandjies word ook genoem deur Ritzenthaler & Ritzenthaler (1970: 79-80) in hul verslag van die Great Lakes-streek. In hierdie gebied is rietmandjies (alhoewel tot 'n beperkte mate) van wilgerstingels, sederwortels of bashoutbas gebou. 'N Vorm van rietmandjies kan ook geweef gewees het deur meer suidelike stamme, aangedui in 'n tekening van 1500 deur John White (Church 1975: 93), waarin inheemse Amerikaners uit Noord -Carolina vis kook. Een van die inheemse Amerikaners wat in hierdie tekening uitgebeeld word, dra 'n gevlegte mandjie op sy rug wat soortgelyk kan wees aan die rietmandjies waarna Ritzenthaler & Ritzenthaler verwys (1970: 79-80).

Inheemse Amerikaners in die 17de eeu in New England het sakke geweef vir die vervoer en berging van items. Josselyn (in Lindholdt 1988: 93) sê in 1674 dat inboorlinge hierdie sakke of sakke gebruik het om mieliepoeier te bêre, "waarvan hulle gebruik maak as stormweer of iets dergeliks hulle kos sal versorg." Roger Williams (1973: 121) stel in 1643 voor dat hierdie sakke indrukwekkend groot was: "they have some great bags or sacks made of Hempe, which will hold five or sixe bushells". De Vries (1967: 219) word tussen 1633 en 1655 ook geweefde hennepsakke (waarskynlik gemaak van hondebaan, Apocynum cannabinum, ook 'Indiese hennep' genoem) genoem, "en die woeste gebruik 'n soort hennep, wat hulle verstaan ​​om op te maak. , baie sterker as ons s'n, en vir elke doel, soos notassen (wat hulle sakke is en waarin hulle alles dra) ". De Vries (1967: 219) merk ook op dat inheemse Amerikaners 'n "linne" van hennep gemaak het.

Benewens styf geweefde stoor- en draagsakke, dui Europese rekeninge uit die noorde van New England aan dat oop-geweefde reghoekige sakke, omhulsels en sakke van mielieskil ook geweef is (Anonymous 1967: 301 Ritzenthaler & Ritzenthaler 1970: 76). Effens verskillende tegnieke is gebruik om hierdie sakke te weef. By die vervaardiging van hierdie reghoekige bashoutsakke is 'n "paar gedraaide bashouttoue om een ​​of twee skeefstringe in rye ongeveer 'n half duim uitmekaar getrek" (Ritzenthaler & Ritzenthaler 1970: 76). In 1650 beskryf 'n Europese verslag van Nieu -Nederland dat die koring dikwels gemeet is in sakke wat heel waarskynlik gemaak is van skilde (Anonymous 1967: 301) by die aankoop van koring by die Indiane met wampum.

Twee voorbeelde van 17de -eeuse hennep- en bashoutsakke het die jare ongeskonde oorleef. Die sakke is klein stoorsakke wat waarskynlik gebruik is om koringpoeier (Nohicake) of ander huishoudelike voorrade te bevat. Beide sakke word gemaak met 'n tweestrengs-inslagmetode, maar die materiaal en dekoratiewe tegnieke wat gebruik word, is anders.

Afdelings van sakke uit die 17de eeu is ook gevind deur William Simmons (1970: 97), 'n argeoloog in die suide van New England. By die West Ferry -begraafplaas is twee volwasse Narragansett -vroue begrawe gevind met bastekstielfragmente wat geïdentifiseer is as 'gewone touweef'. Op die fragment bestaan ​​uit 'n skeef wat los en gevleg was, terwyl die inslag van die tekstiel 'n skuins koord van twee stringe was. Hierdie fragment kan die oorblyfsels van 'n oop weefsak wees (Simmons 1970: 97).

Spalkwerk en mandjie stamp:

Geskiedkundiges redeneer of die voorbereide asmandjie -mandjie in 1600 deur die Pequot-, Mohegan-, Niantic- en ander stamme in die suide van Nieu -Engeland in 1600 beoefen is. in Snow 1980: 58). Die materiale wat gebruik word in inheemse spalkmandjies, is bruin (of swart) as en wit eikehout (Speck 1915: 2). Soet gras (dikwels eers gevleg), en in baie later geskiedkundige tye verdraaide Hong Kong -gras, is soms geweef oor asskroewe. Inheemse Amerikaners in die suide van Nieu-Engeland het histories twee soorte spalkmandjies geweef, ruitwerk en 'n ronde "gizzard" of saggemaakte mandjie wat gewoonlik van eikebome gemaak is (Speck 1915: 3).

"Die bekendstelling van tipografiese versiering in die mandjie het begin by die Indiese bekeerlinge van New England in die invloedssone wat uitgestraal is deur John Eliot se sendingstasies wat tussen 1650 en 1658 aktief was. Die ervaring opgedoen deur die Indiese bekeerlinge wat die Natick Bible gedruk het (1664) kan terugskouend beskou word as die bron van 'n stimulus in figuurdruk, wat versprei van die blankes na semi-gekultiveerde Indiërs van Oos-Massachusetts "(Speck 1947: 33).

Ten spyte van die byna eksklusiewe beperking van blokstempelversiering tot spalkmandjies in die laat historiese tydperk, dui Speck (1947: 33) aan: "Die gebruik van blokstempels as medium van ontwerp het ontstaan ​​in 'n sentrum van die kultuurgebied van die Eastern Woodlands van die Verenigde State. State as 'n onafhanklike kenmerk van inheemse dekoratiewe kuns. "

'N Ander sierkenmerk van spalkmandjies wat vroeër vorme van inheemse kuns blykbaar behou, is die Schagticoke -gebruik van die' curlicue'- of ystervark -draai. "Die krulletjie bestaan ​​uit 'n spalk wat oor een van die skeepslyne loop en tussen twee afwisselende standaarde gedraai word, wat 'n soort verdraaide imbrikasie veroorsaak" (Speck 1915: 6). Die Schagticoke assosieer die versiering met die vorm van 'n skulp en beweer dat die tegniek 'n inheemse kenmerk is, en omdat dit in die oudste mandjies uit die streek voorkom, blyk daar min twyfel dat dit van oorsprong is (Speck 1915: 6) .

Vir meer inligting oor spalkmandjies, sien my artikel oor Nipmuc Splint Basketry

Anoniem
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Kerk, kolonel Benjamin
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de Vries, David P.
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Erikson, Vincent O.
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15. W. Sturtevant, genl. red. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.

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1978 Narragansett. In Noordoos. B.G. Trigger, red. Bl. 190-197. Handboek van
Noord -Amerikaanse Indiane, Vol. 15. W. Sturtevant, genl. red. Washington DC.:
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van New Jersey.

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Octagon Boeke.

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Detroit: Wayne State University Press. (Eerste druk 1643).

Wood, William
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Samelewing 1. (Eerste uitgegee 1634).


Ulster

Die Ulster -tartan is 'n interpretasie van die stof wat in 1956 uitgegrawe is uit 'n aardbank op die plaas van 'n heer William Dixon in die dorp Vlaandere, naby Dungiven, Londonderry. Die turfgrond het die materiaal wat aan die einde van die 16de eeu ontleed is, behou. Die kledingstukke bestaan ​​uit oorblyfsels van tartan, tuniek, gordel en jas. Dele van die stof was nie so vervaag nie, wat weer die oorspronklike kleure in die Ulster, Red, kon herbou.

Ulster (Ulaidh) of Cúige Uladh is een van die provinsies van Ierland, in die noorde van die eiland. In antieke Ierland was dit een van die vierkante wat onder die heerskappy gelei is deur 'n '#rí ruirech', of 'ontwriging van oorkonings'. Die definisie van die provinsie was vloeibaar van die vroeë tot die Middeleeue. Dit het definitiewe vorm aangeneem in die bewind van koning James I van Engeland toe al die graafskappe van Ierland uiteindelik onthef is. Hierdie veroweringsproses was aan die gang sedert die Normandiese verowering en inval in Ierland, veral soos gevorder deur die Kambro-Normandiese magnate Hugh de Lacy en John de Courcy.

Ulster was 'n sentrale onderwerprol in die parlementêre debatte wat uiteindelik tot die Government of Ireland Act 1920 gelei het. Onder die bepalings van die wet is Ierland in twee gebiede verdeel, Suid -Ierland en Noord -Ierland, met die grens deur die Ulster -provinsie Cavan Donegal en Monaghan counties & ndash terwyl 'n deel van Ulster & ndash aan die Ierse Vrystaat toegewys is. Ulster het geen amptelike funksie vir die plaaslike regering nie. Daar word dikwels na Noord -Ierland verwys as & lsquoUlster & rsquo, ondanks die feit dat slegs ses van Ulster en nege provinsies ingesluit is.


Geskiedenis van mandjieweef

Sodra die man (en die vrou!) Vesels saam kon vleg, het hulle begin eksperimenteer met strukture vir geweefde houers.

Mandjies was nodig as houers vir alles denkbaar- kos, klere, sade, berging en vervoer. Ek vertel my studente altyd dat ons dit voor Tupperware & reg en Samsonite & reg gehad het mandjies!

So, hoe het mandjies van die een deel van die wêreld na die ander gereis? Natuurlik met die ontdekkingsreisigers. En dit is hoe die verskillende tegnieke van mandjies ook na ander dele van die wêreld gereis het.

Toe die ontdekkingsreisigers in nuwe lande aankom, het hulle goedere verruil. Die goedere was in mandjies, en toe die ontvanger van die goedere oor die mandjie kyk, pas hy/sy dan die tegniek toe op die materiaal van hul eie land. Dit verduidelik hoe baie Asiatiese tegnieke, soos seskantige weefsels, in Europese mandjies gevind word en hoe Europese tegnieke dan na die Amerikas oorgedra is.

Die basiese tipes mandjieweefpatrone kan dus wêreldwyd op grasse, bome en ander natuurlike vesels toegepas word.

Kronkel is 'n tegniek om die vesel soos 'n slang op te draai terwyl dit elke kwartier of so vasgemaak word. Die binneste opgerolde materiaal was gewoonlik grasse en die naaimateriaal kan 'n sterker gras wees of boomvesels gestroop word. Die inheemse Amerikaners van die suidwestelike state van die VSA het lankal 'n rol met grasse vervolmaak. Hulle omhulsel dek gewoonlik die binnegras heeltemal.

Spoel met soetgras word in Wes -Afrika gedoen, en die tegnieke het saam met die Afrikaanse slawe in hierdie land aangekom. Vandag word sweetgrashandjies nog in die oostelike Amerikaanse kusstate geweef. Nog 'n soort opgerolde mandjie word van dennenaalde geweef- hoe langer hoe beter. Hierdie mandjies is gewild in Florida en die Noordwes -VSA. Gewoonlik word hulle met raffia toegewerk. (Raffia is die vesel van die Madagaskar-palmboom- baie sag, wasagtig en maklik om mee te stik.)

Spalkweef is die tegniek van weef met plat materiaal. In Asië word dit gemaak met riet en suikerriet, die produkte van die wingerdstok calamus rotang, wat groei in die reënwoud van Indonesië. Die wingerdstokke word gesny, per aak vervoer na hawens waar dit dan na China uitgevoer word vir die verwerking in die gladde riet en riet. Die suikerriet kom uit die bas en die riet kom uit die kern van die wingerdstok. Dus, op dieselfde manier as wat bome hout word, calamus rotang word riet en kierie.

Let wel: dit maak geen skade aan die reënwoud om hierdie vesels te oes nie. Hulle groei in die bome en word uit die bome gehaal sonder om die bome af te kap.

Spalkweef in Europa en die Amerikas word vandag met riet en suikerriet gedoen, maar ook met die tradisionele vesels van die afgelope jare: eik, as en hickory. Bome word afgekap, in water geweek, dan uiteindelik oopgemaak en van binne af 'geskil' om weefbare stroke te maak.

Weefwerk met ronde vesel word met 'n groot verskeidenheid vesels gedoen. Die voorheen genoemde riet en riet word verwerk tot ronde groottes sowel as woonstelle. Wilg, kamperfoelie, wingerdstok, Virginia -rankplant en vele ander stewige duursame wingerde word al eeue lank gebruik om mandjies te weef. Die deurslaggewende faktor is: buig die vesel genoeg om geweef te word, en sal dit die misbruik van 'n mandjie duld?

Watter nuwe vesels word vandag gebruik? Tradisionele style en materiale gaan altyd voort. Innoverende mandjiewewers eksperimenteer egter altyd met vesels van die nuwe era. Koerante, aluminium, plastiek, staal, papier, - noem maar op - as dit buigbaar is, het iemand dit waarskynlik in 'n mandjie geweef. As u op 'n verlate eiland gestrand was, sou u dan nie ook leer om te weef met alles wat daar was nie?

& copy2001 Linda Hebert - Gebruik die bogenoemde as 'n navorsingsbron. Herpubliseer in enige vorm is egter nie toegelaat sonder die toestemming van die outeur nie.


Die geskiedenis van weef en die tekstielbedryf

Het u al ooit opgehou om te wonder hoe die klere wat u tans dra, die gewilde t-hemp of nuwe jeans, gemaak is? Die meeste van ons beskou nie die ingewikkeldhede van die tekstielbedryf nie, maar die geskiedenis van klere- en lapproduksie is 'n ryk en kleurryke verhaal wat in almal se repertorium behoort te wees. Met dit in gedagte, neem ons dit terug na die basiese beginsels deur 'n bietjie lig te werp op die geskiedenis van weef en tekstiel - net om u iets te bedink wanneer u die Scrubba -wassak met u gunsteling uitrustings laai.

Ou weefwerk:

Om die weefpraktyk en die rol daarvan in die florerende tekstielbedryf te verstaan, moet ons die drade van hierdie antieke kuns tot in die voorgeskiedenis volg.

Om 'n ongelooflike kort - en effens droë - opsomming te gee wat die revolusionêre proses op geen manier regverdig nie, behels die weefkuns om 'n stel vertikale drade, die 'wrap', met 'n stel horisontale drade, die 'inslag', te verbind. Dit lyk asof die praktyk byna in die menslike natuur ingeburger is, omdat die onderliggende beginsels nog voordat die weefproses geïmplementeer is, toegepas is by die skepping van alledaagse benodigdhede soos skuilings en mandjies. Hierdie kunsvlyt het staatgemaak op die ineenvleging van klein materiale, soos takkies en blare, om stabiele voorwerpe te vorm. Toe antieke mense ontdek het hoe om plantvesels in twintig tot dertigduisend jaar gelede te maak om draad te maak, is hierdie basiese weefbeginsels uitgebreid gebruik en is uitgebreide en uiters praktiese items vervaardig deur middel van die vingerweefkuns, 'n vaardigheid wat vandag nog wyd beoefen word .

Weef self is een van die oudste oorlewende praktyke ter wêreld, met 'n geskiedenis wat gewortel is in die Neolitiese tydperk (ongeveer 9000-4000 vC). Dit was in hierdie tyd dat die skepping van geweefde stowwe ontplof, terwyl elke huishouding lap vir persoonlike gebruik vervaardig. Weef het 'n onontbeerlike vaardigheid geword vir Neolitiese mense en was gevolglik nou verbonde aan die familie -eenheid, 'n tradisie wat duisende jare lank sou voortduur.

Draai en weef in die Middeleeue:

Die kuns van weef is oor duisende jare stadig geleidelik vervolmaak en verfyn, wat uiteindelik gelei het tot hoogs gespesialiseerde lap wat deur bekwame praktisyns vervaardig is. Dit is geen verrassing dat die vervaardiging van hierdie lap, wat hoër vaardigheidsvlakke vereis, saamval met die geleidelike beweging van weef weg van die huishouding en na die werkplek. Teen die Middeleeue is 'n goed ontwikkelde verskaffingsketting bestaande uit kleurers, spinners, wewers, vullers, draperers en kleermakers geïmplementeer om die bloeiende tekstiel- en weefbedryf te ondersteun wat vinnig een van die winsgewendste bedrywe in Europa was. Die stad Coventry was besonder ryk deur die plofbare weefhandel. Dit was die bekendheid van die stad dat die gesegde 'ware blou' na bewering afstam van die langer frase, 'so waar as Coventry blue', met verwysing na die stad se bekwaamheid om blou kleurstowwe te vervaardig wat nie geloop het nie en dus bly 'waar'.

Op hierdie tydstip het weef in Europa steeds plaasgevind by die weefstoel wat die weefproses oor millennia heen oorheers het, hoewel 'n aantal verbeterings, ingevoer uit China en ander wêreldryke, geleidelik ingestel is om die proses te bespoedig. Byvoorbeeld, in die 11de eeu het die bekendstelling van horisontale, voetbedrewe weefgewaaie 'n makliker, baie meer doeltreffende weefproses moontlik gemaak. Verder het die draaiwiel, wat waarskynlik tussen 500 en 1000 nC in Indië ontstaan ​​het en uiteindelik uit die Midde -Ooste na Europa ingevoer is, die vorige metode vir handspin vervang. Die draaiwiel is veel meer as net 'n basiese uitgangspunt van die sprokiestradisie, totdat dit die proses om vesel in gare te omskep baie kon bespoedig as voorbereiding op weefwerk. Die gevolglike tekort aan gare beklemtoon die noodsaaklikheid om die proses te meganiseer, wat die weg baan vir die plofbare vordering wat gedurende die Industriële Revolusie sou plaasvind.

Weef in die Industriële Revolusie:

In 1774 is 'n swaar belasting op katoendraad en lap wat in Brittanje vervaardig is, herroep, waarskynlik veroorsaak deur 'n aantal revolusionêre ontwikkelings in die handel. Die uitvindings wat hierdie ontwikkelings tot gevolg gehad het, was onder meer die Flying Shuttle (1733), wat toegelaat het dat wyer lap teen 'n vinniger spoed geweef kan word as wat voorheen moontlik was, die Spinning Jenny (1765), wat die aantal drade wat 'n enkele masjien kon draai, van ses tot meer toeneem tagtig, en die Water Frame (1769), wat water as 'n kragbron gebruik het, terwyl 'n beter draad as die Spinning Jenny vervaardig is. Crompton's Spinning Mule, ontwikkel in 1779, is gebaseer op hierdie idees deur die mees positiewe aspekte van die Spinning Jenny en die Water Frame te kombineer om die beste resultate van die eeu te lewer. Teen die 1790's word stoommasjiene wyd gebruik in katoenfabrieke om die tekstielproduksie verder te verbeter deur die afhanklikheid van water te verminder, wat vorige kwessies van waterskaarste grootliks negeer.

Hierdie vordering het saamgeval met die verspreiding van chemiese bleikmiddels en kleurstowwe, waardeur bleek, kleur en druk op dieselfde plek kon plaasvind. Uiteindelik, met die uitvinding van Robert's Power Loom in 1812, is alle stadiums van die vervaardiging van katoen gekonsolideer en kan dit in die een fabriek plaasvind.

Die vooruitgang was so dat die rykdom van die tekstielbedryf gedurende die middel van die 1700's tot die middel van die 1800's vinnig toegeneem het. As gevolg hiervan het dit vinnig die hoofbedryf van die Industriële Revolusie geword met betrekking tot indiensneming en belê kapitaal, en was dit selfs die eerste wat moderne produksiemetodes gebruik het.

Weaving en die tekstielbedryf vandag:

Vandag is weef byna uitsluitlik gekommersialiseer, hoewel baie gemeenskappe en individue regoor die wêreld steeds met die hand weef, hetsy vir die pret, vir kulturele identifikasie of uit nood. Die outomatiese aangedrewe weefstowwe oorheers nou die handel, wat hierdie belangrike aspek van die tekstielbedryf aansienlik verbeter en vaartbelyn.

Alhoewel die weefpraktyk byna heeltemal uit die openbare oog beweeg het, bly dit 'n belangrike stap in die lang voorsieningsketting wat in die wêreldwye modebedryf ingebed is. Met 'n geskiedenis wat ongeveer 30 000 jaar teruggaan, is weef werklik een van die oudste vaardighede wat mense op die wêreldwye skaal beoefen het, en dit is hierdie indrukwekkende geloofsbrief wat dit so verdien om 'n bietjie erkenning te gee die volgende keer as u na u gunsteling uitrusting!


Irish Weavers by The Irish Store

In die hartjie van County Mayo aan die oewer van die Moyrivier, staan ​​die beroemde Foxford Woolen Mills, die oudste werksmeule van Ierland en die vervaardigers van wêreldbekende geweefde matte en serpe. Dit is gestig deur suster Arsenius, 'n suster van liefdadigheid in 1892. Saam met John Charles Smith bou hulle die meul. Hoewel die begin moeilik was om die minste te sê in die nadraai van die hongersnood, het die meul aan die begin van die 20ste eeu floreer en die weeflyne loop vandag nog hierop. Hier in die Irish Store het ons die room uit hul pragtige versamelings gekies. Hier is twee van my gunsteling stukke.

Foxford Red & amp; Green Check gooi kombers

Voeg 'n paar ware Ierse luukse by u huis met hierdie pragtige Ierse wolkombers. Die warm rooi en blaargroen garings, wat deel uitmaak van hul Heritage -versameling, geïnspireer deur die ou Ierse landhuis, is kundig geweef in 'n stylvolle, rustieke tjek met 'n delikate gerolde kuif. 'N Ware Ierse klassieke.

Foxford Check baba kombers

Of dit nou 'n springende seuntjie of 'n kosbare meisie is, jy kan dit in 'n klein stukkie Ierland toedraai met hierdie pragtige Ierse wol baba kombers. Dit is pragtig geweef in County Mayo by die wêreldbekende Foxford Woolen Mills, en het 'n klassieke tjekontwerp. 'N Pragtige Ierse toevoeging tot die kwekery en die perfekte pasgebore baba -geskenk uit Ierland.


Geweven sak uit Antieke Ierland - Geskiedenis

Inheemse Amerikaanse vingerweef in die oostelike woude

Inheemse Amerikaners het unieke tegnieke vir weefwerk ontwikkel, 'n kuns met antieke oorsprong. Vingerweef is 'n tegniek wat in baie dele van die wêreld ontwikkel is, deur inheemse Amerikaners tot 'n kuns gekweek. Inheemse Amerikaners uit die oostelike woude is bekend vir hul vingergeweefde gordels en gordels. Argeologiese oorblyfsels van erdewerk in die noordooste wys waar geweefde tekstiele ongeveer 3000 jaar gelede in die klei gedruk is. Die konstante nat omgewing van turfmoerasse in Florida het 'n stuk vinger van 6 000 tot 8 000 jaar oud gemaak. Die droë woestyngrotatmosfere van Arizona het voorbeelde van vingergeweefde voorbeelde van gespelde hondehare bewaar. Suid -Amerikaanse Peruane vleg vinger met behulp van 'n effens ander tegniek genaamd Rep braiding. Ander variëteite vingerweef word in Europese lande vervaardig.

'N Lang tradisie van vingerweef blyk duidelik uit die ingewikkelde voorbeelde wat oorleef het vanaf die tyd van Europese kontak. Met vingerweeftegnieke word toulyne vervaardig (lasbande vir wiegplankies, pakke of ander vragte) en sleepbande vir slee of sleepwiele, gordels, gordels, kousbandjies of soortgelyke kledingstukke, en selfs klein sakke. In 'n opmerking uit 1672 in "New England Rarities" deur Josselyn, 'n vroeë Europese seereis, word 'n lasband wat vir 'n wiegbord gebruik word, opgemerk: ". Dan sit jy die leerband op hul voorkop terwyl die baba by hul huis hang, en hulle loop." Vinger geweef items van 'n paar sentimeter tot meer as vyf meter lank.

By vingerweef word 'n aantal lengtes aan 'n veilige paal of boom vasgemaak. Deur die konstante spanning te behou, is die hangende punte styf geweef in 'n onder-oor patroon wat wegbeweeg van die vasgemaakte punt. Nuwe lengtes bashout word ingesluit namate die oorspronklike lengtes opraak.

Penobscot berei die binneste bas van bashout voor deur eers met 'n byl deur die boombas te sny. Die boombas word losgemaak en in lang repe opgetrek. Met 'n mes word die binneste bas losgemaak sodat dit met lang vingers met die vingers afgetrek kan word. Die lang stroke word opgerol en in die huis gedra. Die stroke word dan met hardehoutas gekook, die lae word verder met 'n mes geskei, en uiteindelik word die vesels versag deur die stroke oor 'n gladde handsteen te laat loop. Die lengtes van bashout of ander vesels is dikwels gekleur met plante of minerale in een van verskeie kleure, gewoonlik swart, rooi-bruin, geel of blou. Sommige vingerweefsels van Penobscot bashout gebruik agt stroke (minder as 'n half duim breed) om 'n goed gevlegde band van slegs twee en 'n half duim breed te maak.

Tradisioneel is die beste vingergeweefde gordels versier met vals borduurwerk van gekleurde ystervarkpennetjies of elghare, wat aan die oppervlak van die een kant van die gordel geweef is. Geborduurde ontwerpe is oor die algemeen geometries en bestaan ​​uit zig-zags, kruise, vierkante en driehoeke. Zoomorphoic -ontwerpe, diere soos die Thunderbird, is op 'n paar rieme geborduur.

Frans -Kanadese handelaars het vingerweef by die inheemse Amerikaners geleer en begin met die maak van wat later 'Assomption' rame genoem word van hul oorspronklike stad in Quebec. Hulle het so gewild geword dat hul kleure en ontwerpe gestandaardiseer is, en dit is bemark deur die Hudson's Bay en Northwest Trade Companies. Hierdie wye dig-geweefde rame is gedra as gordels, as bande vir sakke en poeierhorings, en selfs om die kop-tulbandstyl gedraai. Alhoewel Europeërs probeer het om die mark te vervang met masjiengemaakte kopieë, het die kuns van vingerweef die eeue oorleef en word dit steeds deur inheemse Amerikaners uit die oostelike woude gemaak en gedra.


Geweven sak uit Antieke Ierland - Geskiedenis

Inleiding
Jute (जूट) is 'n natuurlike vesel met 'n goue en syagtige glans en daarom genoem Die goue vesel. Dit is die goedkoopste plantaardige vesel wat verkry word uit die bast of die vel van die plantstam en die tweede belangrikste plantvesel ná katoen, wat verbruik, globale verbruik, produksie en beskikbaarheid betref. It has high tensile strength, low extensibility, and ensures better breath ability of fabrics.
Jute fibre is 100% bio-degradable and recyclable and thus environmentally friendly. It is one of the most versatile natural fibres that has been used in raw materials for packaging, textiles, non-textile, construction, and agricultural sectors. It helps to make best quality industrial yarn, fabric, net, and sacks.
Jute, the golden fibre, is the raw material for one of India’s oldest industries. The first jute mill started production in Bengal in 1856. After more than 150 years, the jute industry is now challenged by competition from alternative materials, by the recession in the international markets and by low awareness among consumers of the versatile, eco-friendly nature of jute fabric itself. Yet this industry still provides a livelihood to more than 250,000 mill workers and more than 4 million farmers’ families. It is a golden bond with the Earth, Its use is a statement about ecological awareness as it is a fully bio-degradable and eco-friendly fibre. It comes from the earth, it helps the earth and once its life is done it merges back into the earth.
Advantages of jute include good insulating and antistatic properties, as well as having low thermal conductivity and a moderate moisture regain. It include acoustic insulating properties and manufacture with no skin irritations. Jute has the ability to be blended with other fibres, both synthetic and natural, and accepts cellulosic dye classes such as natural, basic, vat, sulfur, reactive, and pigment dyes. While jute is being replaced by relatively cheap synthetic materials in many uses, but jute’s biodegradable nature is suitable for the storage of food materials, where synthetics would be unsuitable.
More.


Golden Jute

Jute in Ancient times
Jute has been used since ancient times in Africa and Asia to provide a cordage and weaving fiber from the stem and food from the leaves. In several historical documents ( Ain-e-Akbari by Abul Fazal in 1590) during the era of the great Mughal Emperor Akbar (1542 –1605) states that the poor villagers of India used to wear clothes made of jute. Simple handlooms and hand spinning wheels were used by the weavers, who used to spin cotton yarns as well. History also states that Indians, especially Bengalis, used ropes and twines made of white jute from ancient times for household and other uses.
Chinese papermakers from very ancient times had selected almost all the kinds of plants as hemp, silk, jute, cotton etc. for
papermaking. Qiu Shiyu, researcher of the Harbin Academy of Sciences and expert of Jin history, concluded that Jews used to take part in the work of designing "jiaozi," made of coarse jute paper. A small, piece of jute paper with Chinese characters written on it has been discovered in Dunhuang in Gansu Province, in northwest China. It is believed it was produced during the Western Han Dynasty (206 BC--220 AD). Sien Jute paper from Western Han Dynasty
Period from 17th century

The British East India Company was the British Empire Authority delegated in India from the 17th century to the middle of 20th century. The company was the first Jute trader. The company traded mainly in raw jute during the 19th century. During the start of the 20th century, the company started trading raw jute with Dundee’s Jute Industry. This company had monopolistic access to this trade during that time. Margaret Donnelly I was a jute mill landowner in Dundee in the 1800s. She set up the first jute mills in India. The Entrepreneurs of the Dundee Jute Industry in Scotland were called The Jute Barons.
In 1793, the East India Company exported the first consignment of jute. This first shipment, 100 tons, was followed by additional shipments at irregular intervals. Eventually, a consignment found its way to Dundee, Scotland where the flax spinners were anxious to learn whether jute could be processed mechanically.
Starting in the 1830's, the Dundee spinners learned how to spin jute yarn by modifying their power-driven flax machinery. The rise of the jute industry in Dundee saw a corresponding increase in the production and export of raw jute from the Indian sub-continent which was the sole supplier of this primary commodity.


J ute cloths


Dundee Jute Mill in Scotland. In 1833, Jute fibre was spun mechanically in Dundee, Scotland.

Period from 1855
Calcutta (now Kolkata) had the raw material close by as the jute growing areas were mainly in Bengal. There was an abundant supply of labor, ample coal for power, and the city was ideally situated for shipping to world markets. The first jute mill was established at Rishra, on the River Hooghly near Calcutta in 1855 when Mr. George Acland brought jute spinning machinery from Dundee. Four years later, the first power driven weaving factory was set up.
By 1869, five mills were operating with 950 looms. Growth was rapid and, by 1910, 38 companies operating 30,685 looms exported more than a billion yards of cloth and over 450 million bags. Until the middle 1880's, the jute industry was confined almost entirely to Dundee and Calcutta. France, America, and later Germany, Belgium, Italy, Austria, and Russia, among others, turned to jute manufacturing in the latter part of the 19th century.
In the following three decades, the jute industry in India enjoyed even more remarkable expansion, rising to commanding leadership by 1939 with a total of 68,377 looms, concentrated mainly on the River Hooghly near Calcutta. These mills alone have proved able to supply the world demand.
The earliest goods woven of jute in Dundee were coarse bagging materials. With longer experience, however, finer fabrics called burlap, or hessian as it is known in India, were produced. This superior cloth met a ready sale and, eventually, the Indian Jute Mills began to turn out these fabrics. The natural advantage these mills enjoyed soon gave Calcutta world leadership in burlap and bagging materials and the mills in Dundee and other countries turned to specialties, a great variety of which were developed.


The rise of the jute industry in Dundee and export of raw jute from the Indian sub-continent.
Dundee & The World - Exhibition London
Jute Industry after 1947

After the fall of British Empire in India during 1947, most of the Jute Barons started to evacuate India, leaving behind the industrial setup of the Jute Industry. Most of the jute mills in India were taken over by the Marwaris businessmen.
In East Pakistan after partition in 1947 lacked a Jute Industry but had the finest jute fiber stock. As the tension started to rise between Pakistan and India, the Pakistani felt the need to setup their own Jute Industry. Several group of Pakistani families (mainly from West Pakistan) came into the jute business by setting up several jute mills in Narayanganj of then East Pakistan, the most significant ones are: Bawanis, Adamjees, Ispahanis and Dauds. After the liberation of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971, most of the Pakistani owned Jute Mills were taken over by the government of Bangladesh. Later, to control these Jute mils in Bangladesh, the government built up Bangladesh Jute Mills Corporation (BJMC).

Jute producing countries
The top Ten Jute Producers are: India, Bangladesj, People's Republic of China, Côte d'Ivoire, Thailand, Myanmar, Brazil, Uzbekistan, Nepal, Vietnam
Jute trade
Jute trade is currently centered around the Indian subcontinent. Bangladesh is the largest exporter of raw jute, and India is the largest producer as well as largest consumer of jute products in the world. The local price of Jute Goods in India is the international price. Nearly 75% of Jute goods are used as packaging materials, burlap (Hessian), and sacks. Carpet Backing Cloth, the third major Jute outlet, is fast growing in importance. Currently, it consists of roughly 15% of the world’s Jute goods consumption. The remaining products are carpet yarn, cordage, felts, padding, twine, ropes, decorative fabrics, and miscellaneous items for industrial use.
Jute has entered the non-woven industry as it is one of the most cost effective high tensile vegetable fibre. Therefore, the demand for Jute has made its way into the automotive industry. Jute is now being used to manufacture more eco-friendly interiors for cars and automobiles.
Jute Organisatios
The Central Research Institute for Jute & Allied Fibres (CRIJAF) formerly known as Jute Agricultural Research Institute (JARI) started functioning after the partition of India in 1947. The Gunny Trades Association was established in 1925 in Calcutta (Kolkata) as a non-profit sharing company. Indian Jute Mills Association (IJMA), Jute Manufactures Development Council (JMDC), Institute of Jute Technology, Indian Jute Industries Research Association (IJIRA), Office of Jute Commission (Ministry of Textile) and many more jute oganisations after 1947..
The International Jute Study Group (IJSG) is an intergovernmental body set up under the aegis of UNCTAD to function as the International Commodity Body (ICB) for Jute, Kenaf and other Allied Fibres.
In Bangladesh, the government built up Bangladesh Jute Mills Corporation (BJMC), to control their Jute mills. Bangladesh Jute Mills Corporation (BJMC), a public corporation in Bangladesh, is the largest state owned manufacturing and exporting organization in the world in the jute sector.
See details of the Jute Organisations

Properties of Jute
Jute is one of the strongest natural fibers. The long staple fiber has high tensile strength and low extensibility. Its luster determines quality the more it shines, the better the quality. It also has some heat and fire resistance. Jute is a biodegradable features.
Jute include good insulating and antistatic properties, as well as having low thermal conductivity and a moderate moisture regain. It include acoustic insulating properties and manufacture with
no skin irritations. Jute has the ability to be blended with other fibres, both synthetic and natural, and accepts cellulosic dye classes such as natural, basic, vat, sulfur, reactive, and pigment dyes.
Jute can also be blended with wool. By treating jute with caustic soda, crimp, softness, pliability, and appearance is improved, aiding in its ability to be spun with wool. Liquid ammonia has a similar effect on jute, as well as the added characteristic of improving flame resistance when treated with flame proofing agents.
Types of Jute
For general utility purposes, jute products fall into four classes of manufacture:
HESSIAN or BURLAP: A plain woven fabric of 5 to 12 ozs. a yard, made of good quality jute yarn. It is used for a wide range of applications as in cloth form and in the form of bags.
SACKING: It is also known as "heavy goods," made from lower grades of fiber, loosely woven cloth, in plain or twill weave, weighing from 12-20 ozs. per yard of different widths. It is used for bags of all types.
CANVAS - The finest jute product, closely woven of the best grades of fiber widely used in India for protection from the weather.
JUTE YARN and TWINE - Most of the single strand jute yarn produced is consumed by the mills themselves in fabric and twine manufacture. Jute twine in varying weights and thickness is, used extensively both in India and abroad for sewing, tying, and for a variety of industrial applications such as packing pipe joints, cable binding, etc.
See the basic products of Jute in detail - Basic Product
Cultivation of Jute
Jute is a rain-fed crop and its cultivation is concentrated in Bangladesh, India, China, and Thailand. The jute fibre comes from the stem and ribbon (outer skin) of the jute plant. The fibres are first extracted by retting. The retting process consists of bundling jute stems together and immersing them in low, running water. There are two types of retting: stem and ribbon. After the retting process, stripping begins. In the stripping process, non-fibrous matter is scraped off, then the workers dig in and grab the fibres from within the jute stem.
See in details Cultivation of Jute
Production of Jute
The production of jute goods from raw jute in jute mills involves several process. See in details
Production and Manufacturing of Jute Goods
Uses of Jute
Jute is the second most important vegetable fibre after cotton not only for cultivation, but also for various uses. Jute is used chiefly to make cloth for wrapping bales of raw cotton, and to make sacks and coarse cloth. The fibres are also woven into curtains, chair coverings, carpets, area rugs, hessian cloth, and backing for linoleum.
While jute is being replaced by synthetic materials in many of these uses, some uses take advantage of jute's biodegradable nature, where synthetics would be unsuitable. The fibres are used alone or blended with other types of fibres to make twine and rope. Jute butts, the coarse ends of the plants, are used to make inexpensive cloth. Conversely, very fine threads of jute can be separated out and made into imitation silk. As jute fibres are also being used to make pulp and paper, and with increasing concern over forest destruction for the wood pulp used to make most paper, the importance of jute for this purpose may increase.
Jute has a long history of use in the sackings, carpets, wrapping fabrics (cotton bale), and construction fabric manufacturing industry. But, the major breakthrough came when the automobile, pulp and paper, and the furniture and bedding industries started to use jute and its allied fibres with their non-woven and composite technology to manufacture nonwovens, technical textiles, composite production of sheet moulding compound, resin transfer moulding, vacuum pressing techniques and injection. During 1941, Henry Ford tested the strength of a car trunk made from soybean fibre and used flax. But after research jute has become the better option over flax in
producing car interiors.
Jute can be used to create a number of fabrics such as Hessian cloth, sacking, scrim, carpet backing cloth (CBC), and canvas. Hessian, lighter than sacking, is used for bags, wrappers, wall- coverings, upholstery, and home furnishings. Sacking, a fabric made of heavy jute fibres, has its use in the name. CBC made of jute comes in two types, primary CBC and secondary CBC. Jute packaging is used as an eco-friendly substitute.
Jute leaves are consumed as a food in countries. It is a popular vegetable in West Africa, the Yoruba of Nigeria call it "ewedu" and the Songhay of Mali call it "fakohoy." It is also a popular dish in the northern provinces of the Philippines, also known as saluyot. The leaves are rich in betacarotene, iron, calcium, and Vitamin C. The plant has an antioxidant activity with a significant α-tocopherol equivalent Vitamin E.
Jute diversification
Jute has entered various diversified sectors, where natural fibres are gradually becoming better substitution. Among these industries are paper, celluloid products (films), non-woven textiles, composites (pseudo-wood), and geotextiles. Diversified jute products are becoming more and more valuable to the consumer today. Among these are espadrilles, floor coverings, home textiles, high performance technical textiles, Geotextiles, composites, and more.
Geotextiles, is more popular in the agricultural sector. It is a lightly woven fabric made from natural fibres that is used for soil erosion control, seed protection, weed control, and many other agricultural and landscaping uses. The Geotextiles can be used more than a year and the bio-degradable jute Geotextile left to rot on the ground keeps the ground cool and is able to make the land more fertile.
Jute floor coverings consist of woven and tufted and piled carpets. Jute non-wovens and composites can be used for underlay, linoleum substrate, and more. Jute has many advantages as a home textile, either replacing cotton or blending with it. It is a strong, durable, color and light-fast fibre. Its UV protection, sound and heat insulation, low thermal conduction and anti-static properties make it a wise choice in home décor. Also, fabrics made of jute fibres are carbon- dioxide neutral and naturally decomposable. Diversified byproducts which can be cultivated from jute include uses in cosmetics, medicine, paints, and other products. More details - Diversification of jute


Patronage & Devotion in Ancient Irish Religion

Archaeological sites and artefacts represent the only available sources for the pre-Celtic tradition of Ireland, and interpretation of these is a complex and generally risky task. It is generally held that the origins of the Celtic culture in the country lie in or about the fifth century BC, and the nature and import of our tradition would hardly allow us to claim an earlier date than this.

Problems of interpretation

Many researchers have attempted to use the very rich sources of Irish literature in order to determine what was the mythological lore possessed by the Celtic and Celticised people of late prehistoric Ireland. This literature, as is now widely recognised, is not in itself a completely reliable source, principally because it begins in the sixth century AD and therefore post-dates our subject by a thousand years. An additional difficulty is that it was committed to ink by Christian writers, who would have had theological reasons to alter the tradition which they had received and to set it in a new context. When further difficulties—such as dynastic propaganda and fictional dramatisation—are taken into account, the task of reconstructing the religious beliefs of the pagan Irish might appear a hopeless one. These difficulties, however, can be at least partially offset by the proven strength of tradition in Ireland and the notable parallels with data attested from other parts of prehistoric Europe.
We may perhaps begin by symplifying our terminology somewhat, in which case we can talk of Celtic arrivals in Ireland, whether these were actual incomers or an incoming culture. There are, in fact, reasons for considering these ‘arrivals’ in both senses, for it can hardly be denied that there were some sorts of migrations into the country at the beginning of this period, regardless of the actual numbers, and that such migrations continued for some centuries. The population names cited by the geographer Ptolemy in the second century AD have enough parallels with those attested for Britain to demonstrate this, and it is underlined by the fact that Irish is a Celtic language and that there is evidence for the survival of no other language in Ireland into the historical period. It may also be stated, in view of the present tendency among scholars to dismiss the idea of population movement in favour of ‘acculturation’, that all the written historical evidence for the rise and fall of the Celts in ancient Europe involves conquest and a considerable degree of migration.

The Daghdha

Speaking, therefore, of incoming Celts and their incoming worldview, we can visualise how they considered the culture of those earlier inhabitants with whom they were trading, fighting, and cohabiting. The mythological lore reflected in the literature provides plenty of material for such theorising. Several, perhaps indeed most, of the names borne by mythological characters in the literature can be identified with names given to deities among the Celts generally. Most significant is the name of the great father-figure of Irish mythology, the Daghdha. This derives from a Celtic *dago-Dévos (‘the good god’), the word *dévos being cognate with the general name for the sky-deity among the speakers of various Indo-European languages (Latin Deus or Dis, Greek Zeus, Indic Dyâus, Germanic Tyr, etc.). Indeed, one Italic version Jovis Pitr (Jupiter, meaning ‘sky-father’) provides a parallel to the term for this Irish deity Daghdha, who was referred to as Oll-Athair (i.e. ‘all-father’).
Whereas other Indo-European versions of this deity signify the sky, our Daghdha was identified rather with the sun. This slightly different focus may have been aided by a strong sun-cult already in Ireland among the neolithic and bronze age peoples, who in all probably spoke non-Indo-European languages. We can therefore regard this as one example of a merging of pre-Celtic with Celtic beliefs in Ireland. It can hardly be doubted that the winter solstice phenomenon at the Newgrange tumulus is evidence of such an ancient sun-cult, and it comes as no surprise that the Celtic ‘dago-Dévos’ came to be domiciled in that tumulus, which in Irish is known as Brugh na Bóinne (‘the hostel of the Boyne’).
That great enemy of the Celts, Julius Caesar, reports that the Gaulish druids taught that ‘they are all descended from a common father Dis’ and that for this reason ‘their unit of reckoning is the night followed by the day’. The import of this is that the night, as the period of darkness, was seen as particularly appropriate to the ancestor-deity. A similar system of computation survives still in Irish, the word oíche (‘night’) being taken to mean the night before or ‘eve’ of a festival. Indeed, in computing the year the phrase is still used ó Shamhain go Bealtaine is ó Bhealtaine go Samhain (‘from November to May and from May to November’), thus dividing the year into the dark half and the bright half.
This division into the dark or ancestral aspect of life and the bright or current aspect is reflected in many ways in Irish tradition in contests between characters called respectively Donn and Fionn. At the origin of this we can deduce an early Celtic belief based on the movement of the sun, which each night passed underneath the earth through the ‘dark region’ of the ancestors and on each day following returned to preside over the world of the living.

Carvings in stone on Boa Island, County Fermanagh-thought to represent pre-Christian deities. (Díºchas, The Heritage Service)

But, of course, when it was dark in this world it was bright in the otherworld, which seems to have been the rationale of early Irish druids and seers seeking their inspirational light from the dark world of the ancestors.

In other words, the Daghdha, as the great ancestral patron-deity, regulated time and the seasons and was responsible for agricultural and other forms of prosperity. He was represented in early Irish tradition as having a great cauldron of plenty, from which none of his devotees went away empty. His consort, representing fertility, must have been the mother-goddess. We can take it that the basic rationale was that prosperity came into the human world from the union of the sun-father and the earth-mother. The Celtic mother-goddess was known by several names, but her earliest designation seems to have been *Dánuv, which again is attested as a goddess-name among various Indo-European peoples (Indic Dánu, Greek Danaë).
This Indo-European goddess was especially associated with rivers (Danube, Don, Dnieper, etc.), and we know that the British and Continental Celts also had special veneration for river-goddesses—for example the Marne from Celtic Matrona meaning ‘exalted mother’. Especially revealing are the river-names Don and Doon in Britain, as well as Dôn as the mother of the gods in Welsh tradition. This is synonymous with the well-known designation for the divine pantheon in Ireland, Túatha Déa Danann (‘tribes of the goddess Danu’, later written as Tuatha Dé Danann). Various Irish rivers were identified with a goddess—such as Déa (Celtic *Déva, meaning simply ‘goddess’), which was the old name for the Glendalough river, or in less ancient form the rivers called Banda (‘goddess’, e.g. the Bann and the Bandon). Other rivers have alternate goddess-names e.g. Bóinn (Celtic Bouvinda, meaning ‘she who is bovine and brilliant’), Laoi (Celtic *Logia, ‘female calf’), Brighid (‘the highest one’), Sionainn (Celtic Sena, ‘the ancient one’). These may well have been in origin pseudonyms for Danu.
The fertilising quality of water on the soil would mean that the mother-goddess could be taken to represent both rivers and land. Her identity with the landscape is clear from the ancient name Dá Chích nDanann (‘the Two Paps of Danu’) given to two mountain peaks on the Kerry-Cork border. A confusion of this toponymic caused it to be misunderstood as Dá Chích nAnann, hence the development of the idea that Anu (meaning ‘wealth’) was the special land-goddess of Munster. A much older pseudonym for the land-goddess was Celtic *Rigantona (‘exalted queen’), which survived into Welsh as Rhiannon, and into Irish in slightly extended form as Mor-Ríoghain (‘phantom queen’) or Mór-Ríoghain (‘great queen’).

Tara, County Meath (Teamhair na Rí­ogh)-the leading site in traditions of divine kingship. (University of Cambridge)

The Paps (Dá Chí­ch nDanann), east of Killlarney, County Kerry-the earth as the body of the goddess. (Díºchas, The Heritage Service)

That this must have been in origin a titular name for Dánuv is suggested by a great deal of evidence, not least by the fact that two hill-tops in County Meath were anciently known as Dá Chích na Mór-Ríoghna, just as the peaks in west Munster were called Dá Chích nDanann. When the literature describes the Daghdha as mating at a river with the Mor-Ríoghain, therefore, we can take it that Danu is really meant.
Much of what we know of early Irish mytho-religious belief can be viewed as a complex of ideas springing from this relationship of sun-father with earth-mother. The living society itself was thought of as the main product, the ‘son’ of the divine couple. We find this expressed very neatly in a medieval story, which must have developed from earlier lore. It concerns a youth called Macán Óg, who had the nickname Aenghus (‘true vigour’), and was the son of the Daghdha by the lady Bóinn. This handsome youth asked his father for a loan of the Newgrange tumulus ‘for a night and a day’, and the Daghdha agreed to this. Aenghus, however, kept the dwelling forever by claiming that ‘it is in nights and days that all time is counted’. The word-trick used by Aenghus must be a medieval elaboration borrowed from folklore, but otherwise the format and imagery has an archaic ring to it. This all the more so because the name Macán (Irish Celtic *Maqanos) is identical with Maponos, the name of a Celtic youth-deity attested from Britain and the Continent.
To underline the antiquity of this format, it should be mentioned that the medieval Welsh development of Maponos is the character Mabon, whose mother is called Modron. This latter is a Welsh development of Celtic Matrona (‘exalted mother’), whom we have encountered as a version of the mother-goddess. In fact, there are distinct parallels in medieval Welsh stories between this Mabon and a character called Pryderi, who is the son of Rhiannon, the cognate of the Irish Mór-Ríoghain and whose father was Pwyll, lord of the otherworld. The conclusion is unavoidable that we are here dealing with the concept of a kind of ‘sacred family’ of Celtic belief, and that the father of Mabon (though unmentioned in Welsh tradition) must originally have been synonymous with the Daghdha.

Rituals of kingship

This idea of the human society being descended from a divine couple was expressed most clearly in the rituals of kingship. Echoes from these rituals which survived in the form of medieval stories place many sun-taboos on kings. For instance, the king of Tara, it was said, should not enter that fortress after sunlight and should not leave it before sunrise. The import is that the sun in some way presides over the reign of a king. This can further be connected with the well-known idea in Irish literary tradition that the reigning king is the protector or ‘husband’ of the land. All of this can best be understood by surmising that the sun-father hands over the kingship to the living king for the duration of his reign, and that the king is in that way the temporary occupant of the deity’s earthly realm.
This is not to suggest that an ‘Oedipus-complex’ was inherent to early Irish mythology. It is apparent that the notion of the reigning king being carer or ‘husband’ of the land-goddess was in origin extraneous to the tradition of the ‘sacred family’, and that it rather arose from rhetorical material associated with the inauguration of individual kings. This could be accommodated to the earlier idea of the king, as representative of his tribe, being the ‘son’ of the god and goddess, by regarding the spirit of the earth as renewable in different personae. As the crops grew anew each year, so a new goddess could be born, which would allow her to be a descendant of the mother-goddess just as the king was a descendant of the father-deity.
In all of this, the tendency in medieval Irish narrative to humanise and dramatise ancient deities presents us with something in the nature of a jigsaw puzzle. Not only is much of the earlier tradition couched in the form of love stories, but also there are definite plot-structures which recur. Instances of such plot-structures are the ‘Mélusine’ plot which tells of an otherworld lady becoming the wife of a mortal man, and the ‘three-cornered’ plot which has an old man and a young man contending for the hand of a maiden. We have already met with a medieval development of contention between the Daghdha and Aenghus because of the adoption of a trick-story into their context. Such plots must have intruded into the mythology from migratory folklore, because some of their imagery was thought to coincide with the mythic material. The net result of their borrowing, however, was to put that mythic material somewhat out of focus.

The Corleck Head-probably a symbol of the unity of past, present and future. (National Museum of Ireland)

As the original mythic format became fudged by these and other extraneous plots, the theme of incest was suggested. It is interesting to note, however, that incest as a motif in the medieval Irish stories concerns the father-daughter format rather than the mother-son one. In one story, for instance, a king called Eochaidh marries a maiden Éadaoin who, unknown to him, is the daughter of himself and his wife Éadaoin. This is significant, for the Eochaidh is elsewhere cited as an alternative name of the Daghdha, and the name Éadaoin (‘she who evokes jealousy’) is a pseudonym for the goddess of sovereignty. We may consider this as contaminated evidence for what has been said above concerning the renewability of land-goddess personae.
Returning to the idea of the reigning king as ritual ‘son’ of the divine couple, it has not previously been noticed by researchers that there is in fact a parallel in the Irish sagas to the nomenclature involved in the story of how the Daghdha yielded possession of the tumulus to Aenghus, the Macán Óg. This concerns the well-known situation in the Ulster Cycle, whereby king Conchobhar is given the kingdom by the older occupant Fearghus, who remains in the role of a kind of seneschal or royal advisor. The full name of this latter character is Fearghus mac Ró-Eich (literally ‘male vigour son of great horse’). The ‘great horse’ is well-attested as a symbol of the Daghdha, whose cognomen was Eochaidh (‘horseman’) or Eochaidh Grian-Éigeas (‘Horseman Sun–Seer’). In fact, Fearghus is in one story said to have had a great horse, each mór. This latter recalls how the Gaulish version of the sun-deity Apollo was described as epomaros (literally ‘horse-great’).
Briefly stated, the designation of the Macán Óg as Aenghus mac an Daghdha (‘true vigour son of the good sky-god’) parallels in imagery the name Fearghus mac Ró-Eich (‘male vigour son of great horse’). The seneschal character in the Ulster Cycle must have been originally known simply as Ró-Each, and his name was extended due to confusion with the full phrase which expressed the role of the incumbent king vis-à-vis him.

Eamhain Mhacha, County Armagh-cultic centre of the ancient Ulster folk.

The phrase itself, as we may suspect, was detritus from rhetorics used in the inauguration of kings. This interpretation is strengthened by the literal meaning of the name given to the incumbent king in the cycle, Conchobhar (‘beloved of warriors’), which reflects the image of the typical Iron Age Celtic king surrounded by his warrior-band.
The upshot of all this is that the rituals associated with the inauguration of early Irish kings was derived from the Celtic ‘sacred family’ symbolism which we have mentioned. Indeed, in the medieval literature of the Ulster Cycle itself, the patroness of kingship, Macha, races against horses. This is significant, for the name Macha can be shown to be a mere substitution for her earlier designation, which was Mór-Ríoghain. This explains the curious parallels between the Macha of the Ulster Cycle and Rhiannon of Welsh tradition, and indeed their similarities with the Continental Celtic iconography of the horse-goddess Epona. The insular Celts had clearly preserved the respect for horses which resulted from the importance of these animals to the Hallstatt and la Tène chiefs.
Further influence of the ‘sacred family’ format can be deduced from the tradition of the seer Find (later known in story as Fionn mac Cumhaill), who seems to have been in origin a personification of druid-lore. This Find was intimately associated with the river Bóinn, and we can decipher an earlier outline which had him gain his wisdom from a patron-character called Ruadh Ró-Fheasa (‘red one of great knowledge’), which was a descriptive appellative for the Daghdha. The same pattern, therefore, holds true here also, except that in this case it has been adopted by the druids in order to bolster their social image. Evidence could be produced that other gods of skills and of trades, such as Lugh, Goibhniu, Nuadhu, and Dian Cécht, were assimilated to the ancestral deity, though in a more social and less immediate sense.

Veneration for tribal tradition

It is difficult, if not impossible, to recover the personal religious attitudes of ordinary people in pre-Christian Ireland—what solace the individual, whether prosperous or poor, could gain from a perceived relationship with a spiritual world, and what practices were carried out in the context. It can be said in general, however, that cures for sickness and guidance in skills figured prominently, that there was belief in the rationale of magic, and that there was some notion of the continuance of life after death. Space does not permit here a fuller discussion of these and related aspects. What is clear from what we have been saying, however, is that in official culture the fundamental religious belief was concerned with the descent of the tribe from the father-deity, and as a consequence with the veneration of ancestors. Veneration for tribal tradition was proclaimed as the greatest guarantee for human welfare.
The deities themselves were thought of as tribal in culture. Among the Gauls, the term Teutates (‘the tribal ones’) was used for deities, and in Irish tradition—as we have seen—the gods were referred to as Tuatha Déa Danann (‘tribes of the goddess Danu’). It is therefore not surprising to find, in the heroic sagas, the most binding oath takes the form tongu día tonges mo thúath (‘I swear by the god by whom my tribe swears’). Various tribes had their own name for their god—a list would include such as Dáire, Lughaidh, Find, Cathaír, Cond, Ailill. Some of these derived from pseudonyms for the Daghdha and from his emanations, some from specific deities of trades or places, others perhaps from legendary accounts of great ancestors. That the image of the ultimate father-deity stood behind them all, however, is strongly suggested by the admonition by St Patrick in his Confessio not to adore the sun in the sky, but to adore Christ instead, ‘the true sun’. Indeed, an early legend concerning Patrick has him overcome and convert a great apocryphal pagan called Dáire who, like the Daghdha, has a great cauldron and is lavish with his gifts.

Dáithí Ó hÓgáin is Associate Professor of Folklore at University College Dublin.


The Great Highland Bagpipes Today

The worldwide fame enjoyed today by the Great Highland Bagpipes is due ironically in no small part to the British, who recruited Scottish Highlanders into regiments that were pressed into battle in all corners of the Empire. Had the Great Pipes not persisted so strongly in the Highland regions--long after other areas of Europe had given them up for softer bellows-blown pipes—they would not be nearly as well-known as they are today.

The Great Highland Bagpipes are currently played all over the world. Musicians of many nations, even in countries having their own native form of bagpipes, are arranging traditional folk tunes for play on the Highland pipes. In a parallel development, some Celtic musicians have rediscovered ancient airs and piobaireachd tunes and arranged them for other Celtic instruments, such as the harp, fiddle, and guitar. The Great Highland Bagpipes and their repertoire continue to evolve, and research into all aspects of traditional music and styles persists. Many other cultures across the globe have abandoned the more traditional aspects of their arts and music on the other hand, the Scots and the other Celtic peoples continue to celebrate ancient and traditional instruments, keeping them an integral part of their musical heritage.


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