Suid -Ierland word onafhanklik - geskiedenis

Suid -Ierland word onafhanklik - geskiedenis



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Belfast
Na die oorwinning van Sinn Fein in die parlementêre verkiesings van Suid -Ierland, het onderhandelinge met die Britte begin oor Ierse onafhanklikheid. Daar is 'n ooreenkoms bereik wat voorsiening maak vir 'n onafhanklike Ierland met die status van Dominion in die Britse Ryk. Die ooreenkoms het op 15 Januarie 1922 in werking getree

Die stryd tussen die Britte en die Ierse Republikeinse Weermag het gedurende 1920 en 1921 voortgeduur. Die IRA was verbind tot 'n volledig onafhanklike Ierland. Verkiesings is in Mei 1921 in Ierland gehou. In die oorwegend Katolieke Suid-ondersteuners van die IRA- hul politieke vleuel, wen die Sein Fein die oorweldigende meerderheid van die stemme. By die oorwegend Protestantse noordelike ondersteuners van 'n voortgesette vakbond, het die Unioniste die duidelike meerderheid van die stemme gekry. Dit het duidelik geword dat as daar 'n oplossing vir die probleme van Ierland sou wees, dit 'n ander oplossing vir Noord -Ierland en die res van die land sou gewees het.

Die Brtish wou 'n oplossing vind, en by die opening van die parlement in Belfast (Noord -Ierland) het koning George V 'n beroep op Ier gedoen om 'stil te staan, die hand uit te steek in verdraagsaamheid en versoening, om te vergewe en te vergeet en om aan te sluit 'n nuwe era van vrede, tevredenheid en welwillendheid vir die land wat hulle liefhet. "

Die Britse regering het gevra vir 'n skietstilstand, wat die IRA aanvaar het. Die wapenstilstand het op 11 Julie 1921 in werking getree. Onderhandelinge tussen die Britse regering en Sein Fien het toe begin. Die Britte se openingsaanbod om suid -Ierland heerskappy te verleen, met Groot -Brittanje wat die verdediging beheer, is deur die Iere verwerp. Hulle eis volle onafhanklikheid, iets waaroor Brittanje nie bereid was om saam te stem nie. Die onderhandelinge het 'n rukkie onderbreek, en vir 'n rukkie het dit gelyk asof die IRA weer geweld sou onderneem. Op 6 Desember onderteken Groot -Brittanje en Sein Fien die Ierse verdrag. Ierland het onafhanklik geword, maar Groot -Brittanje was steeds verantwoordelik vir die verdediging van sowel Engeland as Ierland en die see rondom. Suid -Ierland sou onder die beheer van die British Crown bly, soortgelyk aan Nieu -Seeland en Kanada.


Verdeling van Ierland

Die verdeling van Ierland (Iers: críochdheighilt na hÉireann) was die proses waardeur die regering van die Verenigde Koninkryk van Groot-Brittanje en Ierland Ierland in twee selfregerende polities verdeel het: Noord-Ierland en Suid-Ierland. Dit is op 3 Mei 1921 uitgevaardig ingevolge die Government of Ireland Act 1920. Die wet was bedoel dat beide gebiede binne die Verenigde Koninkryk sou bly en bevat bepalings vir die uiteindelike hereniging daarvan. Die kleiner Noord -Ierland is behoorlik geskep deur 'n afgebakende regering en het deel van die Verenigde Koninkryk gebly. Die grootste Suid-Ierland is nie deur die meeste burgers erken nie, maar eerder die selfverklaarde Ierse Republiek. Na die Anglo-Ierse verdrag het die gebied van Suid-Ierland die Verenigde Koninkryk verlaat en die Ierse Vrystaat geword, nou die Republiek Ierland.

Die gebied wat Noord -Ierland geword het, in die Ierse provinsie Ulster, het 'n protestantse en unionistiese meerderheid gehad wat bande met Brittanje wou handhaaf. Dit was grootliks te danke aan die Britse kolonisasie uit die 17de eeu. Die res van Ierland het 'n Katolieke en Ierse nasionalistiese meerderheid wat selfbestuur of onafhanklikheid wou hê. Die Ierse Huisregeringsbeweging het die Britse regering gedwing om wetsontwerpe in te stel wat Ierland 'n afgebroke regering in die Verenigde Koninkryk sou gee (tuisregering). Dit het gelei tot die Home Rise Crisis (1912–14), toe die vakbondlede/lojaliste van Ulster 'n paramilitêre beweging, die Ulster Volunteers, gestig het om te verhoed dat Ulster deur 'n Ierse regering beheer word. Die Britse regering het voorgestel om Ulster geheel of gedeeltelik uit te sluit, maar die krisis is onderbreek deur die Eerste Wêreldoorlog (1914-18). Ondersteuning vir Ierse onafhanklikheid het tydens die oorlog toegeneem.

Die Ierse republikeinse party Sinn Féin het die oorgrote meerderheid Ierse setels in die verkiesing van 1918 gewen. Hulle vorm 'n aparte Ierse parlement en verklaar 'n onafhanklike Ierse Republiek wat die hele eiland dek. Dit het gelei tot die Ierse Onafhanklikheidsoorlog (1919–21), 'n guerrillakonflik tussen die Ierse Republikeinse Weermag (IRA) en Britse magte. In 1920 het die Britse regering nog 'n wetsontwerp ingedien om twee afgebakende regerings te skep: een vir ses noordelike graafskappe (Noord -Ierland) en een vir die res van die eiland (Suid -Ierland). Dit is aangeneem as die Government of Ireland Act, [1] en het in werking getree as 'n fait accompli op 3 Mei 1921. [2] Na die verkiesing van 1921 het die vakbondlede van Ulster 'n Noord -Ierse regering gevorm. 'N Suidelike regering is nie gevorm nie, aangesien republikeine die Ierse Republiek eerder erken het. Gedurende 1920–22, in Noord -Ierland, het die verdeling gepaard gegaan met geweld "ter verdediging of teen die nuwe nedersetting". Die hoofstad Belfast het 'woeste en ongekende' gemeenskaplike geweld beleef, hoofsaaklik tussen Protestantse en Katolieke burgerlikes. [3] Meer as 500 is dood [4] en meer as 10 000 het vlugtelinge geword, die meeste van hulle uit die Katolieke minderheid. [5]

Die Onafhanklikheidsoorlog het in Julie 1921 'n wapenstilstand tot gevolg gehad en in Desember tot die Anglo-Ierse Verdrag gelei. Ingevolge die verdrag sou die gebied van Suid -Ierland die Verenigde Koninkryk verlaat en die Ierse Vrystaat word. Die parlement van Noord -Ierland kan dit in of uit die Vrystaat stem, en 'n kommissie kan dan die voorlopige grens herteken of bevestig. Vroeg in 1922 het die IRA 'n mislukte offensief geloods na grensgebiede van Noord -Ierland. Die Noordelike regering het verkies om in die Verenigde Koninkryk te bly. [6] Die Grenskommissie het in 1925 klein veranderings aan die grens voorgestel, maar dit is nie geïmplementeer nie.

Sedert die verdeling, soek Ierse nasionaliste/republikeine steeds na 'n verenigde onafhanklike Ierland, terwyl vakbondlede/lojaliste van Ulster wil hê dat Noord -Ierland in die Verenigde Koninkryk moet bly. Die unionistiese regerings van Noord -Ierland word beskuldig van diskriminasie teen die Ierse nasionalistiese en Katolieke minderheid. Lojaliste wat gesê het dat dit 'n republikeinse front is, is 'n veldtog om diskriminasie te beëindig. [7] Dit het die Troubles (c.1969–98) veroorsaak, 'n konflik van dertig jaar waarin meer as 3 500 mense dood is. Ingevolge die Goeie Vrydag -ooreenkoms van 1998 het die Ierse en Britse regerings en die belangrikste partye ooreengekom dat die status van Noord -Ierland nie sal verander sonder die toestemming van 'n meerderheid van die bevolking nie. [8]


Kronologiese opsomming

(Die vorige opsomming is baie kort; die volgende sal 'n paar nuttige feite op 'n maklik leesbare en assimileer manier byvoeg. Feite oor ander lande word ingesluit wanneer dit relevant is.)

c. 3000 vC
Dit is ongeveer 5000 jaar gelede. Die Newgrange -grafheuwel is gebou wat die belangrikheid van doodsrituele vir die vroeë Iere toon. Stonehenge in Engeland en die Egiptiese piramides is ongeveer dieselfde ouderdom. Newgrange is in 'n perfekte toestand en is net ongeveer 40 kilometer noord van Dublin naby die Boyne -rivier.

400 vC.
Die Goue Eeu van Griekeland, Sokrates en Plato ens. Bestudeer deur Augustinus van Hippo en waarskynlik deur St Patrick toe hy in Nice, Frankryk, op skool was.

390 vC
Kelte het Rome vir die laaste keer binnegeval

350 vC
Kelte uit Noord -Spanje het in Ierland ingeval en hulle gevestig en die bestaande inwoners uitgeskakel.

70 vC- 14 nC
Die goue era van Rome. Cicero en Virgil, ens. Romeine het Brittanje binnegeval vir koper, tin en wol, maar nie Ierland, Skotland of Wallis nie. 63 vC Die destydse magtige Jode in Jerusalem wat 'n ooreenkoms met die Romeine aangegaan het, het die Romeine gevra om met 'n klein leër in Jerusalem in te kom om 'n klein huishoudelike probleem op te los. Soos ons almal nou weet, het die Romeine gebly en uiteindelik die Jode verdryf wat vir ongeveer 2000 jaar nie na hul beloofde land teruggekeer het nie. Let op die ooreenkomste met die Ierse situasie toe hulle die Engelse Normandië uitgenooi het om hul huishoudelike aangeleenthede ongeveer 1000 jaar later uit te sorteer. 6 vC Jesus, die stigter van die Christendom, woon in die mees oostelike deel van die Romeinse Ryk, die hedendaagse Israel/Palestina.

43 nC
Die Romeine het Brittanje vir die derde keer binnegeval en hierdie keer bly, regeer en opvoed. Let wel: Brittanje was op hierdie stadium reeds verenig onder een Keltiese heerser, Cassievellaunus van die Catuvellauni -stam. Terwyl Ierland, Skotland en Wallis nog steeds deur plaaslike stamheersers beheer is, en in die geval van Ierland was daar meer as 150 van hulle.

200 nC
Die Christendom is deur vroeë Romeinse bekeerlinge na Engeland (Brittanje) gebring

250 nC
Cormac het geleef as Ierland se eerste groot leier en eerste Ard-Ri of High King, gesentreer in Tara Hill in Meath.

324 nC
Romeinse keiser Konstantyn maak die Christendom die amptelike godsdiens van die Romeinse Ryk. Jode het hul Romeinse burgerskap verwyder en is vir die volgende 1500 jaar vervolg. (en die Iere meen dat hulle hard gedoen is.) Konstantyn het Konstantinopel sy hoofkwartier gemaak, en die meerderheid Christelike teologie word nou gedebatteer en as heilig verklaar in ekumeniese rade in daardie streek. (Nicea soos in Nicene Creed 325 AD was naby Konstantinopel wat nou Istanbul genoem word.)

c400 nC
Patrickus in AD 401 is ontvoer deur 'n Ierse slawe -aanvalpartytjie in Engeland toe hy 16 jaar oud was. Die rivier die Ryn in Duitsland het in 406 nC gevries en die barbaarse Duitse stamme het met hul vloed suidwaarts begin om uiteindelik die Romeinse Ryk te verwoes. In dieselfde jaar het die Romeine Brittanje verlaat. AD 410 Stad Rome is verniel. AD 430 AD Patrick keer terug na Ierland as biskop en begin met die prediking van sy weergawe van die Christendom. AD 461 AD St Patrick sterf. AD 467 AD Die einde van die Wes -Romeinse Ryk. Die Bisantium Romeinse Ryk met sy hoofkwartier in Konstantinopel (Turkye) het onaangeraak gebly en die gasheer van die belangrikste Christelike ekumeniese vergaderings behou. (3 in Nicea)

c500 nC
AD 557 AD Columcille van die "St Patrick Movement" in Ierland, het die eerste Christelike klooster in Iona Skotland opgerig. (Midde -weskus van die huidige Skotland) AD 590 AD. Net so verlaat Columbanus Ierland en vestig kloosters in Gallië (nou Frankryk). Die Ierse Christene was nou aktief in die onderrig van lees en skryf in 'n groot deel van Europa. Hulle is inderdaad meer aktief in die herlewing van die beskawing na die ineenstorting van die Romeinse Ryk as die pouse van Rome. Let egter op: cad 590 Clovis, die koning van die Franke met sy hoofkwartier in Parys, het 'n Christen geword. In 597 nC het die pous wel 'n boodskapper na Engeland gestuur, nog 'n Augustinus, wat die koning in Kent gedoop het.

c800 nC
AD 782 nC Engelse teoloog en monnik, Alcuin van die klooster van York, het godsdienstige en opvoedkundige adviseur geword van Karel die Grote. Alcuin is duidelik beïnvloed deur die St Patrick -beweging, maar het ook die meer fundamentele teologie van Augustinus van Hippo geleer. 800 nC maak Karel die Grote deur die pous die Heilige Romeinse keiser. Die Christelike Kerk het weer 'n militêre magsbasis gehad. Onthou, dit was Karel die Grote en sy Frankiese leër wat die Islamitiese beweging gekeer het om hom in Frankryk (uit Spanje) te vestig, nie die pous nie. Die Vikings wat die eerste keer in Dublin, Ierland in 793 nC geland het en hulle in York Engeland gevestig het, op soek na nuwe plaasgrond, is verhinder om suid, die maklike roete, te reis weens die krag van Karel die Grote. (Hulle het ook met Konstantinopel handel gedryf waar hulle die keiserlike wag verskaf het.) En uiteindelik beland hulle in Normandië, Frankryk, en word teen 911 daar gevestig.

1000 jaar gelede.
1014 nC Die Iere skop uiteindelik die Vikings uit Ierland tydens die Slag van Clontarf. AD 1066 Die Normandiese Viking, hertog William, verower die koning van Engeland, Harold en bring sy gunsteling Normandiese trawante, sy baronne, saam en beloon hulle met groot stukke Engelse land. 1170 AD Diarmuid MacMurrough, die ontslape koning van Leinster, (hy het sy koninklike buurman geïrriteer omdat hy sy vrou gesteel het) het die noodlottige stap geneem om Henry 2 te besoek om sy hulp in Leinster te vra.

Henry was te besig om self te gaan, maar beskou Ierland as ryp om te pluk sonder 'n sterk leier, geen moderne wapens en voortdurende huishoudelike rusies. Baron Richard de Clare (Strongbow) is eerder gestuur. AD 1171 AD Henry gaan self na Ierland en ontvang die onderwerping van die meeste Ierse konings. Henry regeer nou 75% van Ierland, Engeland en die hele Wes -Frankryk van Calais tot Bordeaux. Henry se gunsteling baronne is beloon met baie goeie Ierse land. So het die lang en lastige betrokkenheid van die Engelse in Ierland begin.

750 jaar gelede.
Engelse konings het min belangstelling in hul Ierse gebiede gehad, en die afstammelinge van die baronne het hul eie klein koninkryke laat val, hul moedertaal laat vaar, met die plaaslike gasse gekweek en Gaeliese gebruike aangeneem. Hulle sou die 'Ou Engels' genoem word. Die inheemse Iere het Engelse militêre taktiek aangeleer, huursoldate uit Skotland gekoop en die Engelse grondeienaars gehaas en 'n groot deel van hul ou gebiede teruggekry. Die FitzGeralds van Kildare was aan die hoof van die ou Engelse en die O? Donnells en die O? Neills in die noordweste van Ierland was die leiers van die Gaeliese Iere.

500 JAAR gelede
Vanaf omstreeks 350 nC het die FitzGeralds van Kildare geweldig ryk geword, en omdat hulle ou Engelse vee was, word die Engelse konings dit erken as goewerneur -generaals of "Great Earls" namens die Engelse koninklike familie. Hulle kon inderdaad die koning van Ierland genoem gewees het, so min kennis is aan hulle gegee deur die Engelse konings. Hierdie gesellige situasie is onderstebo gedraai in die regering van Henry 8th toe hy die Rooms -Katolieke Kerk verlaat en Engeland in die rigting van protestantisme beweeg. Die Skotte het die hele pad aangeneem met die aanvaarding van Calvinisme om Presbiterianisme genoem te word. Miskien was die graaf van Kildare ongelukkig vir Ierland 'n standvastige Katoliek, na Londen ontbied en in die toring geklap. Sy seun Lord Offaly (beter bekend as Silken Thomas) het 'n opstand begin wat vinnig deur 'n Engelse leër verpletter is.

In 1537 is Thomas tereggestel en die mag van die ou Norman Barons, die FitzGeralds het vir ewig verdwyn. Henry 8ste het daarna voortgegaan met die werk wat hy in Engeland begin het om die wonderbaarlik ryk kloosters te verwyder en homself hoof van die Ierse (Katolieke) kerk gemaak het. Anders as sy Normandiese voorgangers, het hy Ierland nie gekoloniseer deur grond aan sy gunsteling trawante te gee nie. Dit is aan sy dogter Elizabeth 1st oorgelaat. Henry het egter die hele land van Ierland as die van die koning geëis, net soos in Engeland. Plaaslike grondeienaars het die koning se huurders geword. c 1556 gee Elizabeth grond aan Engelse Protestantse setlaars in Oos -Ulster en later verder suid in Munster. Een hiervan was sir Walter Raleigh wat 'n aartappelboerdery begin het. (daar was nog 200 jaar geen aartappelmakers in Engeland nie). Dit was die begin van godsdienstige landoorloë wat tot vandag toe voortgeduur het, aangesien die Gaeliese Iere geleidelik weswaarts gestoot word deur 'n toenemende aantal protestante uit Engeland en Skotland. Elke keer dat die Katolieke Gaeliese Iere in opstand gekom het, het die magtiger Protestantse Engelse genadeloos die opstand onderdruk, wat steeds meer grond in beslag neem en die eiendomsreg, opvoeding en goewerneurskap van die Katolieke wegneem.

400 jaar gelede
1601 Die effektiewe einde van die Gaeliese Ierland na 'n "nege jaar oorlog" tussen die Engelse magte onder Lord Mountjoy en die ou Gaeliese Ierse familie O'Neill wie se kragbasis Ulster die mees Gaeliese deel van Ierland was. Die Iere het weer die hulp van die Katolieke Spaanse gesoek wat 'n klein leër gestuur het wat beslis by die slag van Kinsale verslaan is. (In Co Cork in die suide van Ierland.)

Nota ter vergelyking The Spanish Inquisition. 1478-1670 Die etniese en godsdienstige suiwering wat die Engelse in Ierland uitgevoer het, was barbaars in enigiemand se woordeskat. Dit is egter interessant om daarop te let dat die Spaanse inkwisisie op presies dieselfde tyd plaasgevind het. Hier was die konflik weer godsdienstig, maar in Spanje is die barbaarsheid deur die Katolieke koning en koningin, Ferdinand en Isabella, behandel teen almal wat nie 'n Katoliek was nie. Die slagoffers in Spanje was Jode en Moslems wat gelukkig saam met mekaar gewoon het. Net soos in Ierland het die slagoffers uit die land gevlug. Die boodskap vir diegene wat gebly het, was omskep in Katolisisme of vermoor te word. Die Spaanse Inkwisisie laat etniese suiwering in Ierland soos 'n teeparty lyk. Die Spaanse etniese suiwering was 100% effektief en Spanje het nie meer interne godsdiensoorloë gehad nie. Die Protestantse Engelse was nie so wreed nie en (daarom?) Het godsdienstige konflikte tot vandag toe gebly. (Klik hier vir meer besonderhede in die Inkwisisieprogram van die Rooms -Katolieke Kerk)

1603 Met die Gaeliese kragbasis nou aan skerwe, het Hugh O? Neill oorgegee aan die Engelse en saam met die O'Donnells van Donegal gevlug na Frankryk. Hierdie gesinne is nooit weer in Ierland gesien nie. (Die vlug van die grawe genoem) The Plantation of Ulster. Die saad word nou gesaai vir die moderne 'probleme'. Omdat daar geen groot Ierse grondeienaars in Ulster was nie, het die Protestantse Engelse en Presbiteriaanse Skotte ingetrek en met die seën van die koningin die meeste vrugbaarste grond oorgeneem, bosveld skoongemaak en moderne landbou ingebring. 'N Radikale moderniserende krag is skielik in 'n antieke wêreld ingedryf. Die nuwe Protestantse kolonialiste kyk neer op die plaaslike "agterlike" Ierse Katolieke en behandel hulle met dieselfde minagting asof hulle die "Indiane" was in beide hul ander kolonies in Indië en Noord -Amerika. Koningin Elizabeth 1ste van Engeland is in hierdie jaar oorlede.

1641 Katolieke opstand en bloedbad van Ulster -protestante en presbiteriane. Tydens die ontsettende bewind van Charles 1st in Engeland was daar geen duidelike leierskap in Ierland nie en die Katolieke het van die geleentheid gebruik gemaak om in opstand te kom en 'n paar van hul Ulster -land terug te kry. 1641 het Katolieke gesien hoe Protestantse kerke grafte opgrawe en die verrottende lyke soos lappoppe rondgooi. Verligting kom van die Skotse Presbiteriaan, generaal George Munro, wat 'n taai reddingspartytjie uit Skotland gebring het.

1642-46 Engelse burgeroorlog. Oliver Cromwell se "Model Army" het die ondoeltreffende King Charles 1st verwyder. Cromwell regeer Engeland, nie as 'n koning nie, maar met 'n meedoënlose fundamentalistiese Christelike Puriteinse leer (soos Calvinisme of Presbyterianisme)

1649 het Cromwell die Ierse Katolieke verantwoordelik gehou vir die slagtings van 1641 en het hy wraak geneem by Drogheda (30 myl noord van Dublin) en Wexford. Cromwell het sy wreedheid teenoor die Engelse parlement geregverdig, omdat hulle "in die toekoms geneig sou wees om bloedvloeiing te voorkom"

1688 Engeland se "Glorious Revolution". William van Oranje, die Protestantse heerser van Holland en eggenoot van Mary, dogter van James 2nd van Engeland, is uitgenooi om die Katolieke koning James 2de te verdryf. James het nie baklei nie en na Frankryk gevlug.

1690 Slag van die Boyne. Die magtige Franse koning, Louis 14th, ondersteun 'n versoek van James om Ierland te bevry van die Engelse Protestante. James het met 'n groot Franse mag in Ierland geland en die staande Protestantse magte daarheen gestuur. Die Engelse koning Willem van Oranje reageer onmiddellik en wen die beslissende 'Battle of the Boyne' teen die magtigste Katolieke mag van gekombineerde Franse en Ierse bevrydingsvegters wat ooit in Ierland gesien is. Alle top -Ierse adel het gevlug, hoofsaaklik na Frankryk. (Bekend as die vlug van die wilde ganse). Hierdie landoorwinning word tot vandag toe in Protestantse Ulster gevier. Terug op die vasteland van Brittanje was die taak van William nog nie verby nie; hy moes 'n opstand in Skotland onderdruk om te verseker dat alle hoofmanne van die Hoogland aan hom trou sweer. In die "Battle of Glencoe" het hy die hele MacDonald -stam "as voorbeeld" vermoor.

1692 Alle Ierse Katolieke word uit die amp verban. (William van Oranje) Die Iere kon nie grond besit nie, 'n advokaat wees, in die kerk bid of by die weermag aansluit. Nooit streng toegepas nie. 1695 Alle Ierse Katolieke beroof van Burgerregte (Willem van Oranje)

250 JAAR gelede
In die Georgiese tydperk in Engeland is die mag van die koninklike familie verdun ten gunste van die parlement en die eerste verkose premier (Walpole) is deur koning George 1 geskep, aangesien hy nie 'n woord Engels kon praat nie. Ascendance "wat bestaan ​​uit ryk protestante grondeienaars. (Natuurlik geen katolieke nie). Engeland word ryker en ryker deur hul ryk wat vinnig uitgebrei het in Noord-Amerika en die Indiese subkontinent. Ierland was kalm, maar het nie baat gevind nie, aangesien dit soos die res van Engeland se kolonies uitgebuit word. Die hedendaagse Dublin begin vorm aanneem met trotse Georgiese geboue. Katolieke Ierse eienaarskap van grond was nou onder 10% en was die armste kusgebiede van Sligo suidwaarts. 'N Dieet aartappels was steeds die belangrikste en in sommige gevalle die enigste voedselbron vir die toenemende groot Katolieke gesinne aan die weskus. Die Ascendancy het ingeteken op die Anglikaanse kerk, maar het baie van die Puriteinse opvattings van Oliver Cromwell behou. Enige Ou -Engelse het standvastig Katoliek gebly en die Ulster -plantasie -setlaars uit Skotland het fundamentalistiese Calviniste (Presbiteriaan) gebly wat Dissenters genoem word. Geen van die groepe het van mekaar gehou nie, in die mate dat die Anglikaanse opkoms 'n reeks strafwette teen beide Katolieke en Presbiteriane aangeneem het. Die uitwerking op die Katolieke was om hulle nog meer depressief te maak en enige verskille tussen ou Gaeliese Katolieke en ou Engelse Katolieke het verdwyn. Vreemd genoeg was die uitwerking op die Ulster Dissenters meer opvallend, omdat baie posisies van die amp ontneem is en na Noord -Amerika emigreer.

1740 Erge hongersnood in Ierland. 300 000 sterf van hongersnood

1745 Katolieke of Jacobitiese rebellie in Skotland onder Bonne Prince Charlie gesteun deur die Franse koning Louis 14de verslaan deur die Engelse leër naby Inverness, (Slag van Culloden 1746) Skotse Highland Clearances of Highland Ethnic reiniging. 'N Paar jaar na die Jakobitiese rewolusie het die Engelse die Skotte nie vertrou nie en die groot Engelse grondeienaars het die baie Skotse landwerkers (Crofters) "verwyder" om deur skape vervang te word. Die meerderheid het na Noord -Amerika gevlug, veral Kanada en Australië. Daar was tans geen ooreenstemmende Ierse opstand nie.

1775-6 Amerikaanse Onafhanklikheidsoorlog. Hierdie stryd teen die Engelse is veroorsaak deur buitensporige belasting op die koloniste om 'n Engelse leër in Amerika te finansier om enige moontlike bedreiging van Frankryk wat deur die Britte verwyder is, te ontmoedig. Die Amerikaanse kolonialiste het gewen met die hulp van die Franse. So 'n groot verlies aan Britse gebied het golwe van hoop in Ierland en Indië gestuur.

1778 Die Wet op Katolieke Verligting. Verlig deurdat daar geen ooreenstemmende rebellie in Ierland na Culloden was nie en die behoefte aan meer rekrute in die Britse weermag tydens en na die Amerikaanse onafhanklikheidsoorlog en onrus in Indië, het die Engelse gekies om sommige van die menseregtebeperkings vir Katolieke in Ierland te verwyder. Katolieke kon dan by die weermag aansluit, die beroepe betree en gelyke stemreg kry aan Protestante.

1789 Die Franse Revolusie. Die Franse volk het in opstand gekom teen die korrupte adel en die Katolieke Kerk. 40 000 korrupte priesters en nonne wat doodgemaak is. Die konsep van vryheid, demokrasie en die regte van die mens het Ierse Katolieke meer broodnodige motivering gegee. Die Anglikaanse Engelse regeer deur Dublin Castle en word ewe minag deur Ierse Katolieke en Ulster fundamentele Presbyteriane. Die Presbiteriaanse Oranje -orde is geskep.

1798 Revolusie deur beide Katolieke en Presbiteriaanse Ulstermanne teen Engelse bewind. Die Katolieke rewolusionêr Theobald Tone het twee Franse invalmagte na Ierland laat optrek, albei verslaan deur die regerende Engelse. Die onrus in die Oranje Orde in Ulster het ook uitgedun toe hulle sien hoe hul mede -rewolusionêres in die suide misluk, selfs met Franse hulp. 30 000 Iere is in hierdie revolusie dood. Die Engelse reaksie op hierdie onrus was om die Ierse parlement te oorreed om homself te ontbind en ingevolge die "Act of Union" van 1800. Ierland het 'n integrale deel van die Verenigde Koninkryk geword. Die idee om dit met Katolieke Emansipasie te koppel, wat Ierse Katolieke die reg sou gee om in die parlement te sit, is geblokkeer deur die Engelse Protestantse Koning (Duitse Uittreksel) George 3de wat gevoel het dat dit teen sy kroningseed was. 'N Jong Ierse prokureur in wording, Daniel O'Connell, het hierdie gebeure vanuit Frankryk dopgehou.

1829 Katolieke emansipasie is deur Daniel O? Connell op die Engelse parlement gedwing. Die effek is grootliks geneutraliseer deur die Engelse parlement wat die stemme van die grootste deel van die arm Katolieke Iere weggeneem het deur die minimum welvaartdrempel (hoofsaaklik eiendom) te verhoog wat 'n individu benodig om as kieser te kwalifiseer.

1830-38 Die tiendes-oorlog. Die tiendes was huurgeld op grond wat aan die Church of Ireland betaal is, wat natuurlik die Anglikaanse Kerk van Engeland was toe al die huurders Katoliek was. Connell se volgende hooftaak was om dit te verwyder. Hierdie oorlog was vuil kante. Die huurders het die huurversamelaars vermoor en die versamelaars het beslag gelê op beeste en goedere by wanbetalers.

1845 Die aartappelhongersnood. Een miljoen Katolieke Iere sterf onnodig. Drie miljoen emigreer. Die belangrikste Engelsman om voedselverligting aan die Ierse Weskus te gee, wie se dieet uitsluitlik uit aartappels bestaan ​​het, was onder die sekretaris van die Britse tesourie, sir Charles Trevelyan, 'n man wat sy beroep in Indië geleer het, waar hongersnood relatief algemeen was en sterftes as gevolg van hongersnood tot gevolg kon hê. 5 miljoen mense. 'N Groot groep Ierse immigrante vestig hulle in Amerika, omdat hulle in die dorpe gebly het omdat hulle nie geld gehad het om grond te koop nie. Hulle vaardigheid was die vermoë om te oorleef en te argumenteer in die Engelse taal, wat hulle in staat gestel het om geld te verdien en politieke magsposisies te kry. (Burgemeester Daley van Chicago en president John F. Kennedy was albei Iers). Hierdie Iers -Amerikaanse immigrante het die Engelse gehaat en het gou geld en wapens ingesamel om die Engelse besetters uit Ierland te kry.

1867 Die Feniese rewolusie. Die Katolieke Iere wou hê dat die Engelse heeltemal uit hul land verwyder moet word en dat 'n Republiek gestig moet word. Connell, nou dood, het dit nie afgelewer nie. Ierland was nog steeds deel van die Verenigde Koninkryk met ongeveer 55 setels in die parlement, wat slegs waardevol was toe die meerderheid klein was en wanneer die pruike (liberale) nie regse Tories aan bewind was nie. Gefrustreerd deur gebrek aan optrede, het twee militante, James Stephens en John O? Mahony, die Ierse Republikeinse Broederskap gevorm met die bynaam die Feniërs na die Fianna -krygers uit Keltiese Ierland. Hulle het een beleid, terrorisme wat misluk het bloot omdat die Katolieke aartsbiskop van Dublin geweier het om enige gewapende stryd te ondersteun.

1881 Die landoorloë en die landdade. Charles Stewart Parnell, 'n protestantse verhuurder uit County Wicklow, in teenstelling met die vroeë Fenian, het sy koue, logiese verstand gebruik om Ierse parlementslede te organiseer om 'n wetlike parlementêre geskik te vind om na huisregering te beweeg. Hy stig ook die Ierse nasionale landliga met Michael Davitt met die doel om die wrede gewoonte te stop om huurders uit hul grond te verwyder vir tydelike nie -betaling van huurgeld na swak oeste. Die landoorloë het bestaan ​​uit optrede teen verhuurders soos geweld en dwang, beesmis en brandstigting. Parnell, gebruik sy goed georganiseerde parlementêre spiere om sy doelwitte te bereik deur middel van drie grondwette wat huurders in staat stel om uiteindelik die grond te besit waarop hulle boer met sagte staatslenings. (Die grond tree op 1881, 1885 en 1903)

1912 eindelik huisregering? Gladstone, (liberale Britse premier) was baie vriendelik met Parnell en stel die wetsontwerp in 1886 voor. Parnell, nou die ongekroonde koning van Ierland, het moontlik die mag van die Katolieke Kerk aan sy kant gehad, maar nie die Ulster Presbyterians wat het ook setels in die parlement gehad. Gladstone het die volgende verkiesing verloor en die Tories was saam met die manne van Ulster heeltemal teen die tuisregering. Maar daar kon nog tyd gewees het. Ongelukkig het Parnell 'n langdurige minnares gehad, Kitty O? Shea en meneer O? Shea het hierdie ongeleë oomblik geneem om egskeiding aan te kla. O? Connell het oornag sy tuisondersteuning en dié van Gladstone verloor. O? Connell sterf op 45 -jarige ouderdom in die arms van sy minnaresse. Alles was egter nie verlore nie, Parnell se werk is opgeneem deur John Redmond, wat hom in 1910 met die magsbalans in die Britse parlement bevind het en ondanks die stryd teen die Ulstermen. (letterlik) 'n agteruitgang, is die Wetsontwerp in September 1914 aangeneem.

1916 AD Die opstaan ​​van Paasfees. Engeland was nou in oorlog en die implementering van tuisregering is opgeskort vir die duur van die konflik met Duitsland. Redmond het mans belowe om die Engelse te help, maar daar was verskillende militante groepe, waaronder die Feniërs en 'n paar nuwe seuns genaamd Sinn Fein, wat mans gestuur het om wapens by die Duitsers te soek. Goed gewapen storm die Feniërs en neem die Dublin Post Office, haal die Ierse Driekleur en Patrick Pearse lees 'n openbare proklamasie vir die Republiek Ierland. Die Engelse het 'n week geneem om hierdie oproer te onderdruk deur 'n kanonboot op die Liffey te vaar, wat baie geboue beskadig en vernietig het. Dit is onmiddellik gevolg deur die leiers as verraaiers op te hang, 'n onverstandige daad wat onmiddellik veroordeel is deur die Katolieke Kerk, John Redmond, George Bernard Shaw en W.B. Yeats. Die toneel was gereed vir nog 'n rewolusie.

1919 Die Ierse Onafhanklikheidsoorlog. Die Eerste Wêreldoorlog het in November 1918 geëindig en in dieselfde jaar het die verkiesing op die Britse Eilande 'n oorweldigende oorwinning behaal vir Sinn Fein wat 76 setels gewen het vir die ou Nationalist Party se 6. Sinn Fein wou nie in die Laerhuis in Westminster Londen sit nie, maar die Vergadering van Ierland (Dail Eireann) het op 21 Januarie 1919 in Dublin vergader. Dieselfde dag het die IRA (toe die Ierse Vrywilligers) die burgeroorlog begin deur twee polisiemanne dood te skiet. Die oorlog het twee en 'n half jaar geduur, aan die Ierse kant gelei deur 'n briljante man uit Cork, Michael Collins, en aan die Engelse kant 'n swak gedissiplineerde gewapende hulppolisie wat die Black and Tans die bynaam gekry het vanweë hul uniform. Met groot dele van die land wat deur Sinn Fein en die IRA beheer word, en met die Black and Tans goed vir niks behalwe terreur, brandstigting en moord, is 'n wapenstilstand opgeroep om gevolg te word deur die Anglo-Ierse verdrag van Desember 1921.

Die belangrikste onderhandelaars vir Ierland was Michael Collins en Arthur Griffith wat 'n heerskappystatus vir Ierland (soos Kanada) met die Britse regering ooreengekom het. Dit was goed vir die Ierse bevolking, maar nie vir De Valera en die IRA nie, wat ongelukkig gelei het tot 'n kort Ierse burgeroorlog toe Collins en Griffiths vermoor is. Intussen het die Britse regering Ierland territoriaal geskei, met presbiteriaanse Ulster wat as deel van die Verenigde Koninkryk oorgebly het en die suide die "Ierse Vrystaat" geword het. Soos met die skeiding van Indië, ongeveer 30 jaar later, val so 'n kunsmatige skeiding altyd verskillende godsdienstige groepe in kleiner stukke grond, wat veroorsaak dat hulle bedreig voel. Die toneel was bedoel vir godsdienstige sektariese gevegte in Ulster wat tot vandag duur en moontlik onoplosbaar is.

1932 Die Ierse Fianna Fail -party onder Eamon de Valera. Die Iere in die suide was nou 10 jaar lank onafhanklik van die Engelse en het hierdie onafhanklikheid bewys deur neutraal te bly in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog 1940-45. De Valera wou vir die mense regeer en die Kerk wou 'n geïsoleerde gemeenskap skep wat vry was van die sondes van die res van Europa. Na die oorlog (1950's) het die Ierse volk met hul voete gestem en na ekonomies meer welvarende Engelssprekende lande geëmigreer. This caused panic and Ireland decided to apply to join the European Community, gaining membership in 1972. The result, looks good so far perhaps even an economic success story.


Sean Thomas O'Kelly 1945–1959

​Unlike Hyde, Sean O’Kelly was a longtime politician who was involved in the early years of Sinn Féin, fought against the British in the Easter Rising, and worked in succeeding layers of government, including that of Eámon de Valeria, who would succeed him. O’Kelly was elected for the maximum two terms and then retired.


The emergence of the ‘Two Irelands’, 1912–25

Sir Edward Carson, with James Craig to his left, signs the Solemn League and Covenant in Belfast City Hall, 28 September 1912. While it declared that ‘Home Rule would be disastrous to the material well-being of Ulster as well as to the whole of Ireland’, it was clear that serious resistance could take place only in the North. (George Morrison)

No one anticipated the Irish revolution and the upheavals that accompanied it. By the outbreak of the First World War the Land Acts had transferred the ownership of most of the land of Ireland from a largely Protestant aristocracy or gentry to (mainly) Catholic tenant farmers. The Irish social revolution was effectively over before the political and military revolution began. In 1912 the establishment of a home rule government and parliament in Dublin seemed imminent, although it was expected that special arrangements would be made for unionist Ulster. For most Irish nationalists the future seemed both promising and secure.


Yet by 1925 Ireland was partitioned, its two separate areas ruled by mutually hostile governments. Unionists who had campaigned against home rule for Ireland as a whole were now happy to operate home rule within an area of their choice. In the south, republican revolutionaries ruled a Free State that enjoyed effective independence within the empire or commonwealth but remained linked unhappily to the British crown. In both parts of the island large resentful minorities rejected the legitimacy of the political systems under which they lived.


During the intervening years Ireland had experienced confrontation between labour and capital, involvement in a world war, rebellion, political upheaval, guerrilla war, civil war and sectarian conflict.
The Irish revolution and the division of the island form a phase in Irish history that is unusually complex and that, after almost a century, still remains controversial. Partition should not be seen in isolation. The conflict between unionists and nationalists before the First World War made possible other events—such as the Easter Rising and the triumph of the republican Sinn Féin party—which are otherwise hardly conceivable. Partition and revolution were linked closely together.

An accidental revolution?

Following the creation of two paramilitary forces—the Ulster Volunteers and the Irish Volunteers—much of Irish society became militarised young men marched, drilled and prepared for conflict, as did these barefoot Dublin inner-city children. (George Morrison)

The struggle between home rulers and unionists—and between their British supporters, the Liberals and Conservatives—dominated the politics of the United Kingdom before the Great War.

In one respect the Irish revolution could be seen as having been made possible by the House of Lords, which was one of the most anti-Irish elements in British public life. The Lords’ defiance of the Liberal government precipitated a general election that enabled home rulers to hold the balance of power in parliament, and it also brought about the loss of the Lords’ power of veto. This allowed the introduction of a new Home Rule Bill in 1912, which in turn led to the Ulster unionists’ armed defiance.


When the Liberal government offered concessions to the unionists it seemed that their extreme measures had been vindicated. Most Irish nationalists were dismayed by the apparently successful actions of Edward Carson and the Ulster Volunteers, and some of them felt inclined or obliged to copy the Ulster example they formed the rival Irish Volunteers. Following the creation of these two paramilitary forces, much of Irish society became militarised young men marched, drilled and prepared for conflict. A rebellion or even a civil war was widely expected, but the First World War erupted just before the crisis could be resolved. From the British point of view, a grave external threat replaced a grave internal threat. The following year the prime minister, H.H. Asquith, wrote that the outbreak of the war could be seen as the greatest stroke of luck in his lucky career.


A crisis in Ireland was averted in 1914. Nonetheless the formation of a nationalist private army and the importation of guns—both of these developments modelled on the initiative and actions of the Ulster unionists—allowed a radical, republican minority within Irish nationalism to stage an insurrection at Easter 1916. The rebels’ plans were disrupted, but they were fortunate that they could stage even a symbolic rising, a ‘protest in arms’.


Public opinion was changed by the knowledge that the insurgents had fought bravely, by the executions and the widespread arrests that followed their surrender, and by the failure of negotiations aimed at introducing home rule. During 1917 and 1918 a series of elections climaxed in the rout of the long-dominant Home Rule party, which had grown soft through lack of serious opposition. By then a politically radicalised nationalist electorate was prepared to vote for the image and for some of the objectives of the Easter rebels. In particular, they voted for a party that was committed to the achievement of an Irish republic—an aim that could be achieved only by violence. Many people hoped or feared, rightly, that 1916 would be simply ‘round one’.

H.H. Asquith wrote that the outbreak of World War I, by averting the Home Rule crisis, could be seen as the greatest stroke of luck in his lucky career. (George Morrison)

Until recently relatively little attention was paid to Ireland’s involvement in the European war, and for many decades it was written out of the officially approved ‘national memory’ of the Free State and the Republic. Its most direct and immediate impact was the enlistment of large numbers of Irish nationalists and unionists in the British army. There are widely different estimates of the numbers killed, ranging from the official total of 49,000 to a more modest—but still grim—27,000. (By way of contrast, even this lower figure is between seven and eight times greater than the number of those who were killed in all conflicts in Ireland between 1916 and 1923. Far more Irishmen died violently abroad, in France, Gallipoli or elsewhere, than at home in Ireland.)


The Home Rule Bill was enacted in 1914, although it never came into effect, and partly in gratitude for this victory John Redmond threw his weight behind the British war effort. But as the realities of life and death in the trenches became more widely known, and as the numbers of dead and wounded rose inexorably, the patchy enthusiasm for the war drained away. Redmond’s Irish Parliamentary Party was tainted by this shift in public opinion, and by the fact that home rule had still not been implemented. It became steadily less popular.


The war provided radical republicans with the possibility of foreign assistance and it encouraged them to view ‘England’s difficulty as Ireland’s opportunity’ they could stab the British in the back while they were distracted by their conflict with Germany. The Easter Week proclamation referred to support from ‘gallant allies in Europe’.


Another feature of the war was the fear of conscription, which was imposed in Britain in January 1916. Ireland’s exemption seemed anomalous and there were expectations that it would not endure. Finally in early 1918 the government decided to extend military service to Ireland. But the plan met with such widespread opposition—including hostility from all nationalist parties, from the trade union movement and from the Catholic Church—that it had to be abandoned. This victory over the British made a substantial contribution to the triumph of the radical Sinn Féin party over its home rule rival. It was not only the successor to the Easter rebels, it was also the ‘peace party’ that had saved Irishmen from the horrors of war.

Meanwhile, in July 1916 the unionists’ image in Britain was enhanced by the horrendous losses suffered by the Ulster division in the Battle of the Somme.


Events in London during the war had a significant impact on Irish affairs. In 1914 a Liberal government ruled the United Kingdom in 1915 the Conservatives became the minority partners in a coalition in 1916 they became preponderant when the Liberals split and after 1918 they were the dominant party in government. This meant that power had shifted from the allies of Irish nationalists to the allies of Ulster unionists. The first three Home Rule bills—of 1886, 1893 and 1912—had been drafted by Liberals in alliance with Irish nationalists. The fourth—which became the Government of Ireland Act of 1920—was drafted by a Conservative-dominated government in alliance with Ulster unionists.

Some of the speeches made by the Conservative leader Bonar Law—seen in this loyalist postcard blocking Asquith and Home Rule—were almost treasonous in their tone and content. (Linen Hall Library)

Southern and northern unionists had begun to drift apart long before the second decade of the twentieth century. The Solemn League and Covenant of 1912 had declared that ‘Home Rule would be disastrous to the material well-being of Ulster as well as to the whole of Ireland’, but it was clear to everyone that serious resistance could take place only in the North.


Ulster unionists and their Conservative allies stirred up opposition to home rule in both Britain and Ireland, and some of the speeches made by the Conservative leader Bonar Law were almost treasonous in their tone and content. Carson and his colleagues planned to seize power in north-east Ulster as soon as home rule became law.


Initially all sides shared the view that Ireland must be treated as an indivisible unit, but as the pre-war crisis dragged on they drifted slowly towards a compromise solution: partition. By summer 1914 each side was anxious to appear reasonable. A consensus was reached that home rule would come into effect only in part of the island and that ‘Ulster’ would be exempt. But there was no agreement on what comprised ‘Ulster’ (the nine-county province, the four Protestant counties, or the six counties which the unionists felt that they could control), and on whether such exclusion would be temporary or permanent. The problem remained unresolved after the outbreak of war in August 1914. Implementation of the Home Rule Act was postponed until peace would be restored and until special amending legislation would be passed for an unspecified ‘Ulster’.

The question resurfaced after the Easter Rising, and in summer 1916 a further attempt was made to reach an agreement. By now the unionists’ position had been strengthened by the inclusion of their Conservative allies in the government, while home rulers had been weakened by the ‘disloyalty’ that had recently been shown by some Irish nationalists. Redmond felt obliged to abandon the counties of Tyrone and Fermanagh, despite their small nationalist majorities—and despite his earlier passionate defence of their inclusion in the home rule area. He was not willing to concede permanent exclusion, and it was partly on this question that the talks broke down.
After the war Lloyd George’s government set up a committee to report on the Irish question, and its recommendations were dramatic. Ireland would be partitioned, and two home rule parliaments would be established in Dublin and Belfast. There would be no county plebiscites as had been envisaged by the pre-war Asquith government. To help protect minorities, both parliaments would be elected by proportional representation. (Proportional representation was soon abolished in Northern Ireland, where the dominant unionists wanted to maintain a polarised society, but despite the circumstances of its introduction it was retained in the south.)
Initially it was intended that the northern area would include all nine counties of Ulster because this would facilitate reunification at some time in the future, but after a lengthy confrontation the government yielded to the unionists’ demands that they be given only six counties. In such a reduced area their majority would be larger and they imagined that their position would be more secure.


Unionists in the three southern provinces and in the three ‘abandoned’ Ulster counties felt betrayed by the settlements of 1920–1, but most unionists in Northern Ireland felt that they had secured as good a deal as circumstances allowed. They had never sought devolved government, but once it had been imposed they appreciated its advantages. They believed that it protected them not only against nationalists (both north and south) but also against British politicians who might betray them in the future—as had happened in the past.


By 1921 partition was an obvious solution to at least some of Ireland’s problems. But the form that it took was facilitated by the abstention of almost all the Irish nationalist MPs, who had formed their own parliament in Dublin. Most Irish MPs were now unionists, and Ulster nationalists had few defenders in Westminster. (There is little reason to think that unionists would have responded to overtures from Irish nationalists. It is significant, however, that neither home rulers nor Sinn Féiners made any significant overtures.)


Home rule for southern Ireland never came into effect, but elections for a Belfast parliament took place in May 1921. As predicted and intended, the Unionists won a large majority the Unionist leader James Craig took office as prime minister, and over the next few months powers were transferred from London to Belfast.


Only when the interests of Ulster unionists had been satisfied did Lloyd George turn his attention to Irish nationalists, and by then conditions in southern Ireland had been transformed.

War, peace and war, 1919–23

The first session of the Northern Ireland parliament, 7 June 1921, in the council chamber of Belfast City Hall—once partition had been imposed and the unionists had been ‘saved’, Lloyd George’s government chose to negotiate. (George Morrison)

The general election in December 1918 widened the franchise and gave women (over 30) the vote for the first time. It resulted in the annihilation of the Irish Parliamentary Party, which managed to win only six seats as opposed to Sinn Féin’s 73. In January 1919 the newly elected Sinn Féin MPs proclaimed themselves the independent parliament of Ireland, the Dáil. They later formed a government that attempted to run the country and—in so far as was possible—to act as if British rule no longer existed.


Unsurprisingly, the British paid no attention to Irish claims, and the actions of some radical republicans soon ensured a return to war. The Anglo-Irish War (or War of Independence) was not a nationwide uprising. It was the work of a small number of people in certain parts of the country—particularly in Dublin, Cork and Tipperary. But, following the example of the Easter 1916 rebels, they succeeded in polarising the country, and they forced many moderate nationalists to support radical men and radical measures. Both sides resorted to terror, but it was British actions and British forces that provoked a far greater revulsion. The war became increasingly unpopular in Britain and ultimately, after partition had been imposed and the unionists had been ‘saved’, Lloyd George’s government chose to negotiate.


By now Ireland was seen as a millstone and a nuisance, and the British were prepared to concede vastly more than had ever been offered to Irish nationalists in the past. Recognition of a republic was inconceivable because that would represent British defeat and humiliation, but most other Irish demands were granted.


In the treaty negotiations the Irish side was weakened by the fact that the cabinet’s priorities differed from those of most nationalists. National unity and an end to partition were popular objectives, but the Sinn Féin leaders’ principal objective was the achievement of as much sovereignty as possible for the South. ‘Ulster’ was seen as a tactic, as a suitable issue on which to break the negotiations if that should prove to be necessary.
Nonetheless, in the end the Irish delegation led by Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins signed the treaty, on the grounds that it was the best deal that they were likely to secure in the circumstances of the time. In Collins’s words, it was a stepping-stone towards complete independence. Others, particularly President Eamon de Valera, rejected the treaty because they believed that it abandoned ‘the republic’, reinstated the monarchy and did not grant Ireland genuine independence.


Once more the question of ‘the North’ was postponed, and it was agreed that a boundary commission would decide the border between the two parts of Ireland. It is significant that the treaty split centred on questions of sovereignty and the oath of fidelity (‘allegiance’) to the king rather than on the question of partition. Few Dáil deputies discussed the matter. Either they felt that partition was already an established fact and that nothing could be done, or they assumed that the boundary commission clause would take care of the question. Some people were later embarrassed by this omission and tried to rewrite the record.


The treaty was supported by narrow majorities in the Irish cabinet and the Dáil, and in January 1922 Collins formed a provisional government. De Valera went into opposition, but the strongest opposition to the treaty came not from politicians but from elements in the IRA. Some soldiers were unwilling to accept civilian authority. Despite elections in June 1922, which revealed the popularity of the treaty (78 per cent of the first-preference votes were for candidates who supported it), civil war broke out soon afterwards.


The resulting struggle degenerated into a bloodier and more savage conflict than the recent war against the British, and both sides resorted to atrocities. But there was no swing of opinion against the government as had happened after 1916 and in 1919–21, and ultimately the republicans laid down their arms.


The civil war also ended southern concern with Northern Ireland and it brought to an end Collins’s attempts to destabilise Craig’s government in Belfast.


The civil war was only one factor among several that allowed time to elapse before the boundary commission was established, and not until late 1925 was it ready to complete its report. The chairman (South African jurist Richard Feetham, who was appointed by the British government) had the casting vote, and predictably he took a conservative and narrowly legal view of the changes that might be made to the border. Despite the hopes of the Irish delegation in the treaty negotiations, and despite the fact that one third of the population of Northern Ireland wished to join the Free State, the proposed amendments were minimal. To the shock of nationalists, it was even suggested that the Free State should hand over some of its territory. Ultimately the three governments decided that the border between North and South would remain unchanged.


Ulster unionists, whose opposition to home rule before the war had begun the pattern of militarising Irish life, were able to dominate a home rule Northern Ireland for decades to come.

Michael Laffan is head of the School of History in University College Dublin.

Further reading:

D. Fitzpatrick, The Two Irelands, 1912–1939 (Oxford, 1998).

T. Hennessy, Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition (London, 1998).

A. Jackson, Sir Edward Carson (Dublin, 1993).

M. Laffan, The partition of Ireland, 1911–1925 (Dublin, 1983).

This article is relevant to the ‘partition’ element of topic 3 (‘The pursuit of sovereignty and the impact of partition, 1912–1949’) of the Irish history later modern field of study (1815–1993) of the Southern Leaving Certificate syllabus and to module 6, option 5 (‘The partition of Ireland 1900–1925’) of the Northern history A-level syllabus.


Southern Ireland

Southern Ireland was the twenty-six county Irish state created by the Government of Ireland Act 1920. This Act divided the island of Ireland in two, Northern Ireland (covering approximately fifteen percent of the island, in the northeast) and Southern Ireland (covering the remaining territory to the south and west). Both were given bicameral (two houses) parliaments and separate governments.

The king was represented by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, who also acted in Northern Ireland.

Southern Ireland never existed except on paper. It was set up by law, but the first attempted meeting of its Parliament failed because it was short of a kworum (the number of members needed to hold a meeting). The second sitting was only to confirm the decision of Dáil Éireann to confirm the Anglo-Irish Treaty, then dissolved it itself.

So the British government set up Southern Ireland but there was never any government to take power.

After the treaty was confirmed Michael Collins, head of Dáil Éireann's government became Chairman of the Provisional Government


In the 12th century, Anglo-Norman troops, aided by the English king, came to the aid of the Irish King of Leinster, Diarmait MacMurchada, helping to restore him to his throne. After that, the British basically never left. Over the next 800 years, Irish people were divided into two basic groups: those who opposed British intervention, called Nationalists, and those who favored it, called Unionists or Loyalists. These philosophical and political differences remain one of the biggest differences between the two parts of the island even today.

After many years of civil war, in 1921 the southern and northwestern parts of the island became the independent Republic of Ireland. Nine counties in the northern part of the island were allowed to remain part of the British Empire. As of 2014, Northern Ireland, sometimes called Ulster, remains part of Great Britain, though the Belfast Agreement, also called the Good Friday Agreement, of 1998 has allowed Nationalists and Unionists to share power in Northern Ireland.


De Valera’s governments (1932–48) and the quest for sovereignty

De Valera’s primary purpose was to expunge those elements of the treaty he thought restrictive of Irish independence. His obsession with British-Irish relations was reflected in his holding the ministerial portfolio for external affairs simultaneously with the presidency of the Executive Council. He moved first to abolish the oath of allegiance, although the Senate’s opposition delayed the enactment of the necessary legislation until May 1933. His government also degraded the office of Britain’s governor-general in Ireland by systematically humiliating its incumbent, James McNeill exploiting the constitutional doctrine that the British sovereign had to act on ministerial advice, de Valera counseled the dismissal of McNeill (which occurred in November 1932) and forced his replacement by a subservient supporter. He also stopped the transfer to the British treasury of the land annuities, repayments of the loans advanced to Irish tenant farmers to buy their land under the Land Acts of 1891–1909. In July 1932 the British imposed import duties on most Irish exports to the United Kingdom to recoup their losses, and the Irish retaliated in kind. Although the British were financial beneficiaries in the “economic war,” Fianna Fáil was the political beneficiary because it cloaked its protectionist policies in patriotic rhetoric and blamed Britain for the deepening recession it duly won an overall majority in the snap election called by de Valera in January 1933.

In December 1936 de Valera seized on the abdication of Edward VIII to enact two bills: the first deleted all mention of the king and the governor-general from the 1922 constitution the second, the External Relations Act, gave effect to the abdication and recognized the crown only for the purposes of diplomatic representation. De Valera’s new constitution, ratified by referendum, came into effect on December 29, 1937, and made “Ireland”—the new name of the state (“Éire” in Irish, which was now proclaimed the first official language)—an independent republic associated with the British Commonwealth only as matter of external policy. The head of state was henceforth a president elected by popular vote to a seven-year term, and the head of government was henceforth known as the “taoiseach.” De Valera’s achievement was extraordinary: acting unilaterally, he had rewritten the constitutional relationship with Britain in less than six years. But he had to negotiate with British Prime Minster Neville Chamberlain’s government to achieve his remaining objective: the transfer of three naval bases occupied by the British under a defense annex to the treaty. This he achieved with the defense agreement of April 25, 1938, which was coupled with a finance agreement (settling the land annuities dispute) and a trade agreement (softening the tariff war). The defense agreement completed the process of establishing Irish sovereignty and made possible Ireland’s neutrality in a European war, an avowed republican aspiration since the 1921 treaty negotiations.


Everything you need to know about Ireland’s economy

Ireland’s economy is outperforming most other Eurozone countries with almost full employment and rising real wages. So why are Irish consumers among the most pessimistic in Europe?

Although it was among the nations hardest hit by the 2007/8 economic crisis, Ireland’s economy has bounced back. The European Commission forecast in February that the Irish economy would grow by 4.1% this year, the second highest growth rate in Europe.

The EU forecast was slightly down on its previous prediction but unemployment is heading down towards 5% and real wages rose by 3.2% last year while prices increased by only 0.7%.

Income inequality has fallen by 8% in recent years thanks to a big increase in the baseline national minimum wage two years ago. Ireland has also been doing well in promoting gender equality, coming ninth in the World Economic Forum Gender Gap Index ahead of France, Denmark, Germany and the UK.

Ireland was ranked 24th out of 137 nations in the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Index last year. However, the report highlighted the need to improve infrastructure and cut bureaucratic burdens on business. An OECD report last year highlighted the need to boost productivity too.

The OECD was also worried about the level of non-performing loans held by Irish banks and urged the Irish government to reform the process for tackling mortgage default by homeowners. Without reform, Ireland was exposed in the event of a global downturn, it said.

Although Irish life satisfaction scores remain above the OECD average, recent research by the Irish Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) found that Irish consumers are deeply worried. Top of the list of concerns are Brexit and public sector industrial strife, including a strike by nurses at the start of the year.

Austin Hughes, Chief Economist at KBC Bank Ireland, who wrote the report, said a drop of 12.3% in the Consumer Sentiment Index last month was among the sharpest in its 23-year history and the lowest level since November 2014.

Economists agree that the effects of an unmanaged Brexit could be even more severe in Ireland than in the UK and the rest of Europe. Hughes said that although exports to the UK and revenue from UK tourists had both dipped, the worst was yet to come if the UK “crashed out” of the EU without a deal.

Reading the true state of the Irish economy has been tricky in recent years. Ireland’s favourable corporate tax regime has been controversial. Nobel prize winning economist Professor Paul Krugman coined the term “leprechaun economics” to describe the effect on GDP.

In a blog post last year, economist Seamus Coffey, who chairs the state spending watchdog the Irish Fiscal Advisory Council, attributed much of the GDP growth spike to 25.1% in 2015 to one multinational corporation moving its intellectual property rights to Ireland from Jersey to comply with tax rules on profit shifting.

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Although the growth rate slowed in subsequent years it was still 7.21% in 2017, falling back slightly to 6.7% last year. The Irish Economic and Social Research Institute again cited “multinational related activity” as a factor in GDP levels last year.

Consumer spending has been growing but analysis by Ireland’s Central Statistical Office suggests that much of this has gone on higher rents and mortgages, rising local property taxes and water charges.

St Patrick’s Day economic bounce?

So does the celebration of Ireland’s patron saint offer hope for more economic activity? With the biggest Irish community outside Ireland, a survey for the US National Retail Federation found that Americans planned to spend $5.9 billion celebrating the big day.

In Ireland the effect is more modest. The organizers of the annual St Patrick’s Day parade in Dublin estimated that half a million people joined in the fun this year. The Irish National Tourism Development Authority estimates that the event and other festivals nationwide bring €108 million ($123 million) to the economy each year.


Ireland vs. Northern Ireland

The island of Ierland is divided into two separate jurisdictions: the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. The Republic of Ireland, which makes up the southern portion of the country, is independent from the United Kingdom, while Northern Ireland is part of the UK.

Northern Ireland is the older of the two, having been formed in 1921 from the six counties in the northern Province of Ulster which wished to retain its political unity with Great Britain. It is therefore a constituent country within the United Kingdom alongside England, Scotland, and Wales. Whilst the UK capital is London, the regional capital is Belfast. The Head of State is the British Monarch, although executive authority is vested in the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. There is also a devolved administration headed by the joint office of the First and Deputy First Ministers. There are approximately 2 million people living in Northern Ireland.

The Republic of Ireland was created in 1948 when the Irish Free State (also known as Southern Ireland) became fully independent and severed all political ties with the United Kingdom. The capital city of the Republic of Ireland is Dublin. The Head of State is the President of Ireland, and executive authority is vested in the Prime Minister (Taoiseach) of Ireland. There are approximately 4.5 million people living in the Republic.